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Modus Vivendi is Gray's political concept which he links to Hobbes' political theory whose purpose is to temporarily establish the coexistence of intransigent sides, i.e. ways of life. In other words, modus vivendi is a solution aimed at limiting the scope of political insecurity in plural societies by providing the minimal content of coexistence. As this is offered as a potential solution for contemporary societies marked by value-pluralist conflicts, the author looks into the viability of the modus vivendi concept of coexistence. The fact is that modus vivendi has been criticized as a concept generating the problems it does not provide answers to, such as the issue of stability and morality/justice. In Hobbes' traditional interpretation which Gray adopted, these are not the questions that the pluralist modus vivendi approach should provide answers to. The author, however, has adopted the argument according to which Hobbes and Rawls insist on an immediate political goal i.e. stability (peace) and justice. If Gray's modus vivendi does not consistently follow such an argument, it emerges as a concept of coexistence that will not satisfy anyone. However, due to the lack of moral solidarity contingent to the con-sensual approach to political reality, modus vivendi is a concept offering the minimum's minimum because we are not willing to accept something more. Adapted from the source document.

PurposeThis paper aims to offer an Australian perspective on the recent crisis of confidence in corporate governance and its legislative and regulatory aftermath. It is informative because Australia's experience is directly comparable with that of the USA but its professional and regulatory traditions are much less prescriptive.Design/methodology/approachThe author dissects the corporate scandal of recent years and analyses the several issues which have arisen. Problem elements, once identified, are evaluated separately, followed by an examination of the responses in each country. The main value of the paper lies in the separation and categorisation of these issues. For clarity, the author groups them as technical, political and cultural and uses these three labels to distinguish between problems which are the responsibility of the accounting profession, the responsibility of regulatory agencies, and those faced by managers individually. There is brief mention of some other groups, like suppliers of professional business services, who have also fallen under critical scrutiny. At the same time, other groups associated with contemporary financial scandal are omitted for lack of space.FindingsThe paper includes some observed contrasts between the consequences of scandal in the two jurisdictions and ends with a number of personal judgements.Originality/valueIt is hoped that the judgements made in this paper may offer food for thought and some guidance for those seeking to advance best practice in this important but delicate area.

This article is devoted to the analysis of the political work of East-Ronian commander Flavius Ardabur Aspar (the 5th century A.D.) and his sons. Special attention is given to the status of Aspar at the East-Ronian court at the post of magister utrisque militae. The author comes to the conclusion that the real reason of disfavor and execution of Aspar and his sons was their exclusive status at the court of emperor Leo 1 which threatened his power and, on the other hand, the existence of secret support of Aspar's family from mercenaries the Goths. However, the accusation of Aspar's being a traitor during the war against Vandals in 468 scenes to have been unfounded. ; This article is devoted to the analysis of the political work of East-Ronian commander Flavius Ardabur Aspar (the 5th century A.D.) and his sons. Special attention is given to the status of Aspar at the East-Ronian court at the post of magister utrisque militae. The author comes to the conclusion that the real reason of disfavor and execution of Aspar and his sons was their exclusive status at the court of emperor Leo 1 which threatened his power and, on the other hand, the existence of secret support of Aspar's family from mercenaries the Goths. However, the accusation of Aspar's being a traitor during the war against Vandals in 468 scenes to have been unfounded.

The theory of metaphorical modeling of reality is the basis of the author`s approach to the study of political metafors. The analysis of the metaphorical model Russian-American relations is the World of Nature (wildlife) showed that it is one of the most productive models in Russian press. Metaphor is one of the unstruments of cognition. Therefore it helps create a model of relations between Russia and the USA in the mind of a Russian addressee. It also enables us to understand general laws and economic dialogue between the countries. Among the aims of the reseacher is transformaing (not onle reflecting) the ways of thinking about the USA in Russian linguo-culture. ; The theory of metaphorical modeling of reality is the basis of the author`s approach to the study of political metafors. The analysis of the metaphorical model Russian-American relations is the World of Nature (wildlife) showed that it is one of the most productive models in Russian press. Metaphor is one of the unstruments of cognition. Therefore it helps create a model of relations between Russia and the USA in the mind of a Russian addressee. It also enables us to understand general laws and economic dialogue between the countries. Among the aims of the reseacher is transformaing (not onle reflecting) the ways of thinking about the USA in Russian linguo-culture.

The author of this article has distinguished on the basis of Bogardus social distance scale the following levels of national distance: identity, tolerance, estrangement, isolationism, and xenophobia. The analysis of sociological monitoring (1992-2005) data concerning national distance of Ukraine's population allows revealing the growth of all-national isolationism and xenophobic attitudes. On the results of survey has been conducted in 2005 regional, demographic, political, and socio-economic factors determining the peculiarities of interethnic attitudes are analyzed. Tendencies and factors of general national distance are studied with the attitudes of different groups of Ukraine's population to the representatives of the other nations, such as Ukrainians, Russians, Americans, and Jews. ; The author of this article has distinguished on the basis of Bogardus social distance scale the following levels of national distance: identity, tolerance, estrangement, isolationism, and xenophobia. The analysis of sociological monitoring (1992-2005) data concerning national distance of Ukraine's population allows revealing the growth of all-national isolationism and xenophobic attitudes. On the results of survey has been conducted in 2005 regional, demographic, political, and socio-economic factors determining the peculiarities of interethnic attitudes are analyzed. Tendencies and factors of general national distance are studied with the attitudes of different groups of Ukraine's population to the representatives of the other nations, such as Ukrainians, Russians, Americans, and Jews.

The paper investigates a Chinese experience of WTO accession, uncovers the complexity of GATT/WTO negotiation process affected by both an intertwining of the political and economic factors, and reorganization of GATT into the WTO. The author identifies the countrys negotiation positions, strategies and outcomes. During the four years since China has become a member of the WTO, it substantially liberalized its markets for foreign investments, and implemented the bulk of its WTO commitments that were phased in over a five year period. As there is a growing presence of foreign businesses in China, several challenges to Chinas economy have already surfaced. Not all of Chinas WTO commitments have been implemented according to the schedule. ; The paper investigates a Chinese experience of WTO accession, uncovers the complexity of GATT/WTO negotiation process affected by both an intertwining of the political and economic factors, and reorganization of GATT into the WTO. The author identifies the countrys negotiation positions, strategies and outcomes. During the four years since China has become a member of the WTO, it substantially liberalized its markets for foreign investments, and implemented the bulk of its WTO commitments that were phased in over a five year period. As there is a growing presence of foreign businesses in China, several challenges to Chinas economy have already surfaced. Not all of Chinas WTO commitments have been implemented according to the schedule.

The problem of legal security of the principal of competition is of global importance nowadays, that's why the author tried to tackle upon both the international and national legal aspects. It's desirable that the new legal system of Russia the foundation of which is going on nowadays would include the best achievements of the Russian and foreign law science and legal practice. But the implementation of the foreign experience shouldn't be limited by the primitive copying of the law acts of the economically developed countries, because the foreign laws have the legal norms the use of which is not indisputable and we should take great care before introducing them in our legislation. ; The problem of legal security of the principal of competition is of global importance nowadays, that's why the author tried to tackle upon both the international and national legal aspects. It's desirable that the new legal system of Russia the foundation of which is going on nowadays would include the best achievements of the Russian and foreign law science and legal practice. But the implementation of the foreign experience shouldn't be limited by the primitive copying of the law acts of the economically developed countries, because the foreign laws have the legal norms the use of which is not indisputable and we should take great care before introducing them in our legislation.

Esta miscelánea aborda el fenómeno futbolístico en España, primero desde la óptica del espectáculo: ¿por qué este juego de pelota atrae a las masas?, ¿qué papel juegan los árbitros en la emoción del juego? son algunas de las preguntas que el autor pretende elucidar. A continuación, el autor aborda la relación entre los clubes de fútbol con sus connotaciones ideológicas y políticas y el consiguiente juego identitario de equipos como el Club de Fútbol Barcelona y el Atlethic de Bilbao. El artículo concluye con un repaso de la última andadura realizada por el Real Madrid de la mano de Florentino Pérez, donde el autor incluye significativas relaciones entre el poder económico, el urbanismo madrileño y el «mejor club del mundo». ; This miscellaneous article deals with football phenomenon in Spain, first as a spectacle: why does this ball game have such an incredible mass appeal?, in the emotion of the sport, which is the role played by the referee? The author tries to reply to some of these questions. Then, the author deals with the relationship between football clubs, their ideological and political orientations, and the consequent identity play of teams as Football Club de Barcelona or Athetic de Bilbao. It ends going over the last years of Real Madrid with Florentino Pérez and the more than important link between economic power, Madrid town planning and the «best club in the world».

La ciudad de Querétaro ha sido a lo largo de la historia un sitio tradicional donde ha imperadola religión católica como elemento organizativo de su sociedad, sin embargo durante ladécada de los 90, su imagen empezó a cambiar, ese cambio no se manifestó exclusivamenteen crecimiento sino que el comportamiento social y político también se transformó, al gradoque dejó de ser una ciudad media para convertirse en una metrópoli con todas las relacionesde interés para sus habitantes que eso implica. En este artículo se hace un acercamiento a lamodernización a través de Max Weber, uno de los primeros sociólogos preocupados por lasconductas sociales que eso trae y del cual rescatamos algunos elementos que pueden aplicarseen Querétaro. ; The Queretaro city has been travel the history a traditional city where the catholic religion has dominated like organizative element of her society, nevertheless for the decade of the 90, her image began to change, this change don't be manifest in growth except that the social and political behavior was transform too, to the grade that quit of be a media city for convert in a metropoli with all the relations of interest what that imply. In this article the author do to approach at the concept modernity of Max Weber, one of the first sociologist worry for the social conduct what that bring and of the which the author ransom some elements that can to apply on Queretaro city.

This book presents the results of the Bolivian case study on forestry decentralization. It is part of a larger CIFOR study also undertaken in Brazil, Guatemala, Nicaragua and Honduras, which investigates forestry decentralization processes and, in particular their effects on forest-dependent groups. Since the 1990's, Bolivia has played a leading role in Latin America with regard to the transfer of political, administrative and fiscal responsibilities and authority from national to municipal governments. Decentralization also included important aspects of forest management, which was particularly affected by new land policies. Among his conclusions, the author points out that, although municipal governments are now more active in poverty alleviation initiatives, their conception of local development still fails to consider the potential use of natural resources. At the same time, small rural producers and indigenous groups, who have recently been granted formal land rights, have not been given the decision-making authority to define the use of those resources. The first half of the book provides pertinent information on the Bolivian forest sector, presents the decentralization framework promoted by the government, and discusses the legal, institutional and informal arrangements of forest governance. The author then analyses power disputes among a variety of actors and institutions and examines the effects of decentralization on the wellbeing of various social groups. Finally, he proposes key topics for further research that would advance the forestry decentralization debate in Bolivia.

This study (The Focuses of Attention in Lithuanian Literary Criticism (1991 – 2005), Marginalia, Canon of Analysis and Taboo) demonstrates the critical connection to Lithuanian science of literature and Lithuanian literary criticism. The attention is concentrated on traditional strategies of literary discursivity, which functioning is very intensive in our surroundings. Critic is directed over the "high literature canon", which is hegemonisated, absoluted, mistificated. Author is regarded as the important institute, which produces meanings – sytems of signification. These meanings are connected with the author as a transcendental subject. So traditional literary criticism lay a stress on the interflow of ethics and aesthetics. That is why value politics do not tolerate popculture, as if was felt longing for the former "general strategies", reasoning about historical monolithic, general limitings and meanings. The new (post)modern aesthetic experience surpasses the limits of aesthetics, established by the traditional Western metaphysics; so the limits of the contemporary aesthetics were considerably expanded and deprived of distinct determinations. But despite that traditional critics unflaggingly persist in the analysis of literature, predicated on hierarchical dualism. It's maintained, that there is ability to resist against such "uniting" position just creating self-critical discourses, modernly determinating the role of Lithuanian literature and culture. It's important to explane, which discourses help to appear for the new political / nationspaces, which models of the fetishistic discursivity limit them, narrow the disperse of general identities.

If the crisis of the state has been a common trait in Latin America, its manifestations have not been the same throughout the continent. This article examines two general and apparently contraditory trends : the trend toward authoritarian capitalism resulting from the crisis of hegemony in South America and the trend towards popularly-based insurgency resulting from a crisis of domination in most of Central America. The author bases his general interpretation of these trends on the analysis of the historical and structural relationships between four factors identified as responsible for the drastic change in the role of the state, from "national development" to "national security" : the crisis in the model of accumulation, the growing polarization of political alliance, the transnationalization of the civil society and the state, and the interplay between relative autonomy of the state and transnationalization. He finds that the combination of transnational integration of the Latin American elites into one U.S.-centered project with hegemonic pretensions, and a growing marginalization and alienation on the part of the bulk of the internal constituencies has brought about an acute crisis of both legitimation and domination. As violence becomes the most common political currency -with repression and plain state terrorism evolving into a distinct style of politics - and the prospects towards redemocratization being very fragile, the author concludes that revolutionary struggles may be the only possibility for an indigenous redefinition of development, national self-determination and democracy.

PurposeThe author's original approach helps to understand the executives and their decision‐making process.Design/methodology/approachThe complexity of today's business requires the board of directors (BoD) to go beyond its traditional role of referee, and to become involved as appropriate with the business and with its top managers. The BoD should apply the 3<P>of governance: namely the official policies that tell it what to do and what not to do; a comprehensive process of governance that ensures the effectiveness of its activities; and, last but not least, basic psychology to understand the possible quirks of the top managers. This article complements the author's earlier contribution on the process of governance, and focuses on how the directors can monitor the behavioral patterns of the top managers and assess the impact on their decision making.FindingsThe author recommends that the BoD uses the methodology of "Creating Business Value" described in this article. By providing transparency over the whole business system, it brings out the proficiency of the top management, and reveals dysfunctional attitudes.Practical implicationsThe advocated approach contributes to the effectiveness of the directors as they interact with the executive on critical issues.Originality/valueThe author presents an application of "creating business value", an original and holistic methodology that enables all concerned to see where, why, how, and how much business value has been, or will likely be, added or destroyed throughout the enterprise.

Предпринята попытка показать зависимость политики Великобритании в польском вопросе вплоть до Тегеранской конференции 1943 г. от ее роли в антигитлеровской коалиции. Автор демонстрирует, что совпадение позиций британского и польского эмигрантских правительств по ключевым для них вопросам послевоенного планирования и стратегии # необходимости федеративного устройства Центральной и Восточной Европы и целесообразности балканской стратегии # было весьма значимым фактором развития польско-британского сотрудничества. В итоге автор приходит к выводу, что неудача Великобритании в достижении согласия союзников на их реализацию в ходе Московской конференции министров иностранных дел и последующей Тегеранской конференции во многом обусловила ухудшение польско-британских отношений и кризис польского эмигрантского правительства. ; The article attempts to demonstrate that there is a correlation between Great Britain's power within the Coalition and her policy towards the Polish question in the period until the Teheran conference of 1943. The author reveals that the coincidence of the British and Polish emigre governments viewpoints on the key matters of postwar settlement and war strategy for them necessity of establishing federations in Central and Eastern Europe and expediency of the Balkan strategy was an important factor in the Polish-British cooperation development. In the end, the author comes to a conclusion that the British failure in the course of the Moscow foreign ministers' and Teheran conferences to persuade her Allies to include these matters into the Allied planning in many ways determined the deterioration of the Polish-British relations and crisis in the Polish emigre government.