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Preliminary Material -- Introduction -- 1 Introduction to the Immunity of Heads of State and Other State Officials -- 2 The Immunity of Heads of State and Other State Officials as Rules of Customary International Law -- 3 Immunity of Heads of State and Other State Officials from the Criminal Jurisdiction of a Foreign State -- 4 Immunity of Heads of State and Other State Officials from International or Internationalised Criminal Jurisdiction -- 5 Interdependency between Immunity from Criminal Jurisdiction of a Foreign State and Immunity from International Criminal Jurisdiction -- 6 Conclusion on Immunity of Heads of State and Other State Officials under Contemporary Customary International Law -- 7 Ultra vires Action and Individual Criminal Responsibility -- 8 The Principle of Universal Jurisdiction and the Obligation aut dedere aut judicare -- 9 The Character of jus cogens Norms and the International ordre public -- 10 Conclusion on the Relationship between Principles Relating to Crimes Pursuant to International Law and Immunity of Heads of State and Other State Officials -- Summary -- Bibliography -- Table of Cases -- Index.

This edited work explores the question of how international law is applied by domestic courts. Through case studies and analysis the contributors consider how traditions and diversity affect the interpretation of international law, from a mixture of doctrinal, practical, and theoretical approaches.

Most European countries have concerns about the integration of large amounts of renewable energy sources (RES) into electric power systems, and this is currently a topic of growing interest. In January 2008, the European Commission published the 2020 package, which proposes committing the European Union to a 20% reduction in greenhouse gas emissions, to achieve a target of deriving 20% of the European Union's final energy consumption from renewable sources, and to achieve 20% improvement in energy efficiency both by the year 2020 [1]. Member states have different individual goals to meet these overall objectives, and they each need to provide a detailed roadmap describing how they will meet these legally binding targets [2]. At this time, RES are an indispensable part of the global energy mix, which has been partially motivated by the continuous increases in hydropower as well as the rapid expansion of wind and solar photovoltaic (PV). The International Energy Agency's 2012 edition of the World Energy Outlook stated that the rapid increases in RES integration are underpinned by falling technology costs as well as rising fossilfuel prices and carbon pricing, but RES integration is also encouraged by continued subsidies: from $88 billion globally in 2011 (compared to $523 billion in fossil-fuel subsidies in 2012 [3], with a share of $131 billion for electricity generation) to an estimated $240 billion in 2035 [4]. According to [3], in 2015 RES accounted for 22% of electricity generation, which was approximately the same level as gas and about one-half the level of coal.

International audience ; Starting from the analysis of the article 51 of the United Nations Charter, this text examines many problems posed by the self-defense argument in the context of the political justification of war and in accordance with the philosophical reflexion about the just war. This argument is analytically considered, and the relevance of national sovereignty is underlined at first, and at second the ambiguity of « natural right », on which this argument is based. When the self-defense is realistically conceived, it makes any disturbance, but provides the way of international relations integration, in the Westphalian system or in the United Nations system. Lastly, the article tackles the philosophical and political value of self-defense as preemptive war. ; À partir de l'article 51 de la Charte des Nations unies, ce texte examine quelques problèmes posés dans l'histoire des idées politiques par l'argument de la légitime défense dans le cadre de la justification politique de la guerre et en fonction de la réflexion philosophique sur le thème de la guerre juste. Il envisage analytiquement cet argument, en mettant en lumière l'importance qu'il accorde à la souveraineté nationale, puis l'ambiguïté de la notion de « droit naturel » des États sur laquelle il se fonde. Or, conçue de manière « réaliste », au lieu d'être vectrice de désordres, la légitime défense offre paradoxalement le moyen d'une intégration des relations internationales, dans le système westphalien comme dans le système onusien. L'article aborde enfin la pertinence philosophique et politique de la « légitime défense préventive ».

International audience ; Starting from the analysis of the article 51 of the United Nations Charter, this text examines many problems posed by the self-defense argument in the context of the political justification of war and in accordance with the philosophical reflexion about the just war. This argument is analytically considered, and the relevance of national sovereignty is underlined at first, and at second the ambiguity of « natural right », on which this argument is based. When the self-defense is realistically conceived, it makes any disturbance, but provides the way of international relations integration, in the Westphalian system or in the United Nations system. Lastly, the article tackles the philosophical and political value of self-defense as preemptive war. ; À partir de l'article 51 de la Charte des Nations unies, ce texte examine quelques problèmes posés dans l'histoire des idées politiques par l'argument de la légitime défense dans le cadre de la justification politique de la guerre et en fonction de la réflexion philosophique sur le thème de la guerre juste. Il envisage analytiquement cet argument, en mettant en lumière l'importance qu'il accorde à la souveraineté nationale, puis l'ambiguïté de la notion de « droit naturel » des États sur laquelle il se fonde. Or, conçue de manière « réaliste », au lieu d'être vectrice de désordres, la légitime défense offre paradoxalement le moyen d'une intégration des relations internationales, dans le système westphalien comme dans le système onusien. L'article aborde enfin la pertinence philosophique et politique de la « légitime défense préventive ».

The Subprime mortgage crisis, as an international financial crisis, leads to new and renewed forms of State communication. Actors of this latter are forced by the crisis context to develop communication strategies, such as maintaining confidence and trust. But these strategies are not devoid of a promotional dimension, being useful to the president of the Republic and French ministers. This thesis seeks to underline the relationship between international financial crisis and State communication, from which we can see communication strategies suited to this context, responding to personal objectives as well as collective objectives. It also demonstrates an interdependence between media and State communication's actors, in so far as they use each other to construct the crisis, among others. Finally, thanks to a content analysis, it focuses on State communication fields used during the Subprime mortgage crisis. ; La crise des Subprimes, en tant que crise financière internationale, amène des formes nouvelles et renouvelées dans la communication étatique. Les acteurs de celle-ci sont contraints par le contexte de crise de développer certaines stratégies communicationnelles, telles que le maintien de la confiance. Mais ces stratégies ne sont pas dépourvues d'une dimension promotionnelle servant le président de la République et les ministres. Ce mémoire cherche à mettre en avant le rapport entre crise financière internationale et communication de l'État, d'où découle des stratégies de communication adaptées à ce contexte qui répondent à des impératifs aussi bien d'ordre personnel que collectif. Il démontre aussi une interdépendance entre médias et acteurs de la communication étatique, dans la mesure où ils s'utilisent l'un et l'autre, entre autres, dans une construction de la crise. Enfin, il s'attache à mettre en lumière, à l'aide d'une analyse de contenu, les registres de communication étatique utilisés durant la crise des Subprimes.

This study assesses the relation between foreign aid
and the contribution of civil society to the consolidation
of democracy in Romania. Drawing on questionnaire
data as well as internal documents the study
specifically looks at the impact of international
assistance on the participation of advocacy groups in the governmental policymaking process. On the one hand, it is shown that international assistance enhances the capacity of NGOs to mobilize advocacy coalitions and this in turn increases the effectiveness of their participation in influencing policymaking. But on the other hand, democracy assistance programs have a rather paradoxical effect by impeding NGOs' civic
engagement with their domestic constituencies. Hence, international assistance has a mixed impact on the contribution of civil society to the consolidation of democracy: it fosters advocacy groups' "link-up" to the governmental decision-makers while in the same time it hinders their "link-down" to ordinary people.

Interdisciplinary scholarship at the intersection of international law (IL) and International Relations (IR) has illuminated the roles of politics in law, of law in politics, and of the shifting boundary between the two in various areas of international affairs. The boundary itself, however, has proven resilient. While critical approaches investigating the politics of international law have come to insist on the lasting significance of legality proper, IR approaches to legalization have returned to politics.Although the apparent limits to challenging the boundary between legality and politics are not new, we suggest that they are intimately related to another great divide, i.e., that between the state and the international. Together, these two crosscutting lines have shaped the possibilities and constraints of articulating substantive positions 'in' (international) law and politics at least since the Interwar period. Reading these distinctions as intertwined 'nested oppositions', this article reconstructs the stylized but paradigmatic debates between Max Weber and Hans Kelsen over the nature of the state and between Hans Morgenthau and Hersch Lauterpacht over the nature of the international.We further illustrate how the same conceptual oppositions still enable and constrain current debates in IL and IR, discussing as examples the creation of states and the justiciability of international crimes. Crossing and contesting the boundaries ultimately reaffirms them as the matrix in which conflicts over states and the international are articulated as legal and political.

In 1995, China's State Family Planning Commission (SFPC), the governmental agency charged with developing and implementing China's population policy, issued an official call for the reorientation of the family planning program from a focus on demographic targets to meeting clients' needs. In support of this reorientation effort, the SFPC selected six rural counties and five urban districts with comparatively good socioeconomic conditions as pilot sites for a quality-of-care experiment. This report provides a summary of an international symposium on quality of care held in Beijing from November 17–19, 1999. The symposium was sponsored by SFPC with the support of the Ford Foundation as part of the international collaboration on China's quality-of-care initiative. The purpose of the symposium was threefold: to review the experiences of China's quality-of-care initiative in the pilot counties and districts to date; to discuss strategies for institutionalizing the quality-of-care approach in the pilot sites; and to discuss expansion and further development of the program throughout China, in keeping with the SFPC's decision that the quality-of-care experiment should be expanded nationwide.

This paper seeks to explain how Iran's regime persisted in the face of international sanctions during Mahmud Ahmadinejad's presidency, from 2005 to 2013. It reconstructs the interplay between the intensifying UNSC, US and EU sanctions and the targeted regime's strategies to advance the nuclear program and maintain intra-elite cohesion. Initially, the nuclear program was expanded due to high oil income in combination with explicit resistance to the presumed regime-change ambitions of the Western sanction senders. At the end of Ahmadinejad's presidency, the decline of foreign exchange earnings from oil exports and the continued regime-change scenario contributed to the neglect of this regimelegitimizing strategy in favor of the maintenance of intra-elite cohesion. My main argument is that once the US and EU oil and financial sanctions curtailed the cost-intensive further development of the nuclear program, Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei used these sanctions as an external stimulus to contain burgeoning factional disputes.

In: ERCA : from indoor air pollution to the search for earth-like planets in the cosmos. Boutron, C., ed. les Ulis: EDP Sciences, pp. 161-70. (Journal de physique IV : proceedings n. 121) http://www.upmf-grenoble.fr/iepe/Publications/publicRech3.html ; This article deals with the different modalities that exist to manage a problem of collective action facing the climate change problem, which could affect the living conditions and economic activities of all the regions of the world. Economists are doubly concerned by this danger, first, in terms of defining response policies, second by the way of producing a public good. In the first part are reviewed some of the principles and methods of the economic approach to these subjects: (i) the debate between Cost-Benefit Analysis and Cost-Effectiveness Analysis, (ii) regulation by prices or quantities and the way models use ?environmental economics tools? that are taxes, tradable permits, norms and standards and hybrid instruments like ?standards and charges? or ?safety valve?, (iii) use and limit of economic models in international climate negotiation. The second part uses the concepts of the International Political Economy for studying the process of organising joint action at the global level that is finding a governance model for the global environment. It uses the concepts of international regime and of leadership and defines the principal rules and institutions of the existing international agreements, with their achievements and weaknesses. It finally identifies four scenarios for the future of collective action. ; Cet article traite des différentes modalités qui existent pour gérer un problème d'action collective, comme celui du changement climatique, susceptible d'affecter les conditions de vie et les activités économiques de toutes les régions du monde.

In: ERCA : from indoor air pollution to the search for earth-like planets in the cosmos. Boutron, C., ed. les Ulis: EDP Sciences, pp. 161-70. (Journal de physique IV : proceedings n. 121) http://www.upmf-grenoble.fr/iepe/Publications/publicRech3.html ; This article deals with the different modalities that exist to manage a problem of collective action facing the climate change problem, which could affect the living conditions and economic activities of all the regions of the world. Economists are doubly concerned by this danger, first, in terms of defining response policies, second by the way of producing a public good. In the first part are reviewed some of the principles and methods of the economic approach to these subjects: (i) the debate between Cost-Benefit Analysis and Cost-Effectiveness Analysis, (ii) regulation by prices or quantities and the way models use ?environmental economics tools? that are taxes, tradable permits, norms and standards and hybrid instruments like ?standards and charges? or ?safety valve?, (iii) use and limit of economic models in international climate negotiation. The second part uses the concepts of the International Political Economy for studying the process of organising joint action at the global level that is finding a governance model for the global environment. It uses the concepts of international regime and of leadership and defines the principal rules and institutions of the existing international agreements, with their achievements and weaknesses. It finally identifies four scenarios for the future of collective action. ; Cet article traite des différentes modalités qui existent pour gérer un problème d'action collective, comme celui du changement climatique, susceptible d'affecter les conditions de vie et les activités économiques de toutes les régions du monde.