This report is the culmination of a two-year project examining the complex relations among Turkey, Russia, and Iran in an effort to better understand these countries' perceptions in the post-Cold War world and the conditions and interests that cause international political alignments among them.
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The article investigates the relevance of foreign policy discourse and practice for military gender relations. The link between women's status in military institutions and the gendering of foreign policy has so far not been thoroughly addressed in military and gender research or foreign policy analysis. Feminist international relations provides a research strategy to show how foreign policy doctrines and debates are gendered and how they are connected to gender (in)equality in central state institutions such as the military. The article thus applies feminist international relations as a theoretical framework that transcends the constructed dichotomy between national and international levels of analysis. In a case study of the USA from the Clinton to the Obama administrations, patterns of military gender integration are established as a phenomenon incorporating both domestic and international dimensions. Foreign policy discourses and practices in this time period are related to shifts in military gender policies and discourses on gender integration. It is argued that the gender order in military institutions is linked to international politics and state behaviour in the international arena.
Rivlin, B.: Introduction: how does the UN system fit into American foreign policy interests? - S. 283-284 Bolton, J. R.: No more business as usual. - S. 285-287 Biden, J. R. Jr.: Who needs the United Nations? we all do. - S.289-291 Luck, E. C.: The survivors: the United States and the United Nations in troubled times. - S. 293-296 Finkelstein, L. S.: The rule of law, the United States, and the United Nations: an ambiguous record. - S. 297-303 Weiss, Th. G.: U.S.-UN relations and the use of force after the World Summit. - S. 305-309 Soderberg, N.: The U.S.-UN relationship - a difficult but necessary partnership. - S. 311-318 Schlesinger, S.: America and the United Nations: a delicate relationship. - S. 319-321 Luers, W. H.: Looking to a refashioned U.S. partnership with the United Nations. - S. 323-327 Forman, S.: The United States and the United Nations: one srand in a multilateral strategy. - S. 329-332 Hoveyda, F.: The United States and the United Nations: from close relationship to estrangement. - S. 333-336 vanden Heuvel, W. J.: The United Nations: the failure of American leadership. - S. 337-340
The world is on the cusp of a global turn. Between 1500 and 1800, the West sprinted ahead of other centers of power in Asia and the Middle East. Europe and the United States have dominated the world since. But today the West's preeminence is slipping away as China, India, Brazil and other emerging powers rise. Although most strategists recognize that the dominance of the West is on the wane, they are confident that its founding ideas democracy, capitalism, and secular nationalism will continue to spread, ensuring that the Western order will outlast its primacy
This paper gives an insight into Chinese-Burmese relations, focusing on important factors that have had an impact today. Firstly, it recaps the history of China and Burma. Secondly, it shows China's two main reasons of engagement in Myanmar: the foreign one (the Malacca Dilemma) and the domestic one (the Western Development Strategy). Thirdly, it will summarize the consequences of Western sanctions on Myanmar. Fourthly, it shows the importance of Chinese influence on the present-day domestic situation in Burma. Fifthly, it presents the circumstances of the "Burmese thaw". Finally, it providesan explanation on Burma's importance in Chinese foreign policy and the implications of recent political changes in Myanmar for Chinese-Burmese relations. ; Udostępnienie publikacji Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego finansowane w ramach projektu "Doskonałość naukowa kluczem do doskonałości kształcenia". Projekt realizowany jest ze środków Europejskiego Funduszu Społecznego w ramach Programu Operacyjnego Wiedza Edukacja Rozwój; nr umowy: POWER.03.05.00-00-Z092/17-00.