Suchergebnisse

The paper presents the current constitutional reform in Russia focusing on the constitutional amendment concerning the international case law. The amended article 79 of the Constitution of Russian Federation restricts the international case law applicability in Russia. There was no polemic around the draft of the constitutional amendment and this restriction was accepted by experts, politicians and public without any discussion. To certain extent this unanimous acceptance could be explained by general positivistic trend in Russia. The amendment is in line with the positivistic approach to the international law formed in Russia recently. The strategic documents on the cooperation within BRICS are scrutinized showing that the positivistic approach is in line with the strategies of Russia announced previously. Based on the general scientific methods and on the method of academic foresight the authors made the following conclusions. The constitutional reform regarding international law does not affect the BRICS documents directly and it does not go against the principles of BRICS cooperation announced by Russia. However, there are certain indirect implications. It is clear that the reform deepens divergences between the BRICS countries. The differences in the approaches to the human rights, certain ideological differences will become more acute within BRICS and there is a space for political use of these differences.

The paper presents the current constitutional reform in Russia focusing on the constitutional amendment concerning the international case law. The amended article 79 of the Constitution of Russian Federation restricts the international case law applicability in Russia. There was no polemic around the draft of the constitutional amendment and this restriction was accepted by experts, politicians and public without any discussion. To certain extent this unanimous acceptance could be explained by general positivistic trend in Russia. The amendment is in line with the positivistic approach to the international law formed in Russia recently. The strategic documents on the cooperation within BRICS are scrutinized showing that the positivistic approach is in line with the strategies of Russia announced previously. Based on the general scientific methods and on the method of academic foresight the authors made the following conclusions. The constitutional reform regarding international law does not affect the BRICS documents directly and it does not go against the principles of BRICS cooperation announced by Russia. However, there are certain indirect implications. It is clear that the reform deepens divergences between the BRICS countries. The differences in the approaches to the human rights, certain ideological differences will become more acute within BRICS and there is a space for political use of these differences.

A central research question in international political economy concerns the influence of financial markets on government policy outcomes. To what extent does international capital mobility limit government policy choices? I evaluate the relationship between international financial markets and government policy outcomes, with a focus on the government bond market in developed democracies. Evidence includes interviews with financial market participants and a cross-sectional time-series analysis of the determinants of interest rates. This evaluation suggests that governments of developed democracies face strong but narrowly defined financial market pressures. Financial market participants are concerned with a few macroeconomic policy indicators, including inflation rates and government deficit/GDP ratios, but not with micropolicy indicators, such as the distribution of government spending across functional categories. In these areas, governments retain policymaking autonomy. I conclude by exploring the role of financial market influences within domestic politics and offering suggestions for further research.

A year ago, when an attempt was made in this Joubnal to describe the inauguration of the Permanent Court of International Justice and the beginning of its work,1 it seemed that a new experiment in international relations was on trial. But such has been its progress in two years that the court now appears to be one of the established institutions in our international life. The Foreign Offices have begun to regard it as a sort of international fixture. It is fast accumulating a record of achievement indispensable to the international law of the future, and the court now bids fair to be permanent in influence as in name.

A dappled mix of politics, bureaucratic conservatism and ability of individuals means that the aperture for introducing and instantiating change in the organizations working on international policing is much smaller than that imagined by the global police studies community. Research needs to be better grounded in implementation realities. The article suggests some changes in practice on the part of researchers that could increase the likelihood of their work being acted upon.

Abstract
This article addresses the questions of what role international economic law has played in the story of digital inequality's emergence and evolution and how international economic law can reduce digital inequality instead of enhancing it. The first part of this study illustrates the uneasy interplay between digital inequality and international economic law. At the network layer, the economic benefit of the General Agreement on Trade in Services' Mode 3 (foreign investment) market access commitments in the telecommunications sector has never been realized in many developing countries and least developed countries (LDCs). There is a missing link between the consequences of trade liberalization and broadband investment. At the application layer, today's platformization of services was an 'unforeseen development' at the time the World Trade Organization (WTO) was established. Through the pro-liberalization of WTO jurisprudence, members' decades-old Mode 1 (cross-border) market access commitments have played more than a marginal legal role in global datafication. The second part of this study discusses how international economic law can confront and potentially redress that inequality. In the context of trade and development, it remains to be seen how the WTO members can find the common ground needed to balance digital trade liberalization and development needs. Unless infrastructure concerns from developing countries and LDCs are addressed, the ongoing WTO e-commerce trade deal may end up being labelled the Digital 'Haves' Trade Agreement. In the context of trade and competition, the increasing inequality in digital platforms calls for a set of international competition rules to appropriately address market power in the data sector. By imposing cross-border disciplines for competition policy and thus curbing the power of big digital platforms, the proposed WTO Data Reference Paper may well be an effective instrument to address the second dimension of 'digital inequality' – data colonization.

1. Actual Performance in 2014/15 and GTP II Targets for 2019/202. Financial Inclusion and Deepening; 3. Selected Economic and Financial Indicators, 2013/14-2020/21; 4a. General Government Operations, 2013/14-2020/21 (millions of birr); 4b. General Government Operations, 2013/14-2020/21 (percent of GDP); 5. Monetary Survey and Central Bank Accounts, 2013/14-2020/21; 6. Balance of Payments, 2013/14-2020/21; 7. Alternative Scenario: Selected Economic and Financial Indicators, 2013/14-2020/21; 8. Financial Soundness Indicators of the Commercial Banking Sector, 2010-16; ANNEXES.

The right to development is a singularity in contemporary international law.It has been presented frequently as a inalienable and fundamental right : it aims to guarantee the personal fulfillment and the improvement of human condition. This multi-skilled and multi-purpose right gives to its subjects (human beings) a legal entitlement, enabling them to become the beginning, the center and the beneficiaries of all development activities. But its complex nature, its large purpose of social justice and political militancy make it juridicity difficult. The right to development is often summarized as an old idea in limbo.However, after a discrete periode, the right to development reappears by unexpected ways, free of its old ideologies, in connexion with the metamorphosis of the new concepts of development. Its resurgence is making itself stronger : it is an illustration of the variety of the law making process in international law. Some standards are elaborating, legal precedents and jurisprudences are coming, and certain practices of this right are emerging. This phenomenon requires a new analysis based on the effectivity of the right.Beyond its use as right per se, the consolidation of the right to development reveals current transformations in international law. A symbiosis exists between the effective progress of the right to development and the process of humanization of the international law. This connexion enable a reconciliation between human rights, peoples' rights and States' rights, in the perspective of a pragmactic legal humanism. ; Le droit au développement est une singularité du droit international contemporain. Désigné comme un droit fondamental inaliénable, il vise à garantir l'épanouissement des personnes et l'amélioration de la condition humaine. Ce droit polyvalent fournit à ses sujets un titre pour agir afin que la personne humaine soit à l'initiative, au centre et au bénéfice de toutes les activités de développement. Mais sa nature complexe, sa vaste finalité de justice sociale et les captations ...