Suchergebnisse

1. Chapter 1: Introduction -- 2. Chapter 2: Duress as a Defence under International Criminal Law -- 3. Chapter 3: The Application of the Requirements of Duress to Child Soldiers -- 4. Chapter 4: Limits of, and Exclusions from, the Defence of Duress -- 5. Chapter 5: Duress as an Excuse Defence for International Crimes -- 6. Chapter 6: Conclusion.

Argues taht the idea of global and national/international categories being inherently opposed, is a fallacy of the globalization debate. Seeks to illustrate how "international" co‐operation can have favourable national consdequences. Explores the implications of international volunteerism for nation‐building in Singapore.

AbstractQuotas to promote women's representation in the world's legislatures have spread to more than one hundred countries. The diffusion of gender quotas poses a puzzle since they have often been adopted in countries where women have low status. International influence and inducements best explain quota adoption in developing countries. Promoting gender equality, including through gender quotas, has become a key part of international democracy promotion. The international legitimacy of gender quotas leads them to be adopted through two causal pathways: directly, through postconflict peace operations, and indirectly, by encouraging countries, especially those that depend on foreign aid, to signal their commitment to democracy by adopting quotas. An event history analysis, which controls for other relevant factors, shows that the hypothesized relationships exist. Further support comes from a process-tracing analysis of Afghanistan's 2004 quota.

Relations between official agencies and private business concerning international coffee policy suggest that the power of the state dominates the international economic arena. The International Coffee Agreement did not benefit the United States coffee industry. Despite this, some large coffee roasting companies supported the Agreement. Without their support it would not have received Congressional approval. The action of the roasters can be explained by the behavioral theory of the firm, which emphasizes managerial discretion and risk avoidance. Large oligopolistic companies, potentially the most powerful of business enterprises, are also the ones least likely to oppose the state. However, the ability of one company to determine American policy toward the import of soluble coffee from Brazil shows that when the economic interests of an oligopolistic firm are unambiguously threatened, it can severely constrain official actors.

The academic study of International Relations (IR) emerged in the context of transnational networks of scholars, diplomats, politicians, and activists. Contrary to conventional wisdom, women belonged to these networks in various capacities and, crucially, contributed to the intellectual formation of the discipline. Whether as members of pressure groups, such as the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF), as independent authors or academics, they discussed all major issues of IR. Drawing on a range of international authors – including Anna B. Eckstein, Agnes Headlam-Morley, Lucy Mair, Margery Perham, Helena Swanwick, and Louise Weiss – this article recovers the intellectual substance of their work, arguing that it constitutes a genuinely feminist approach to IR. Early feminist IR authors emphasised the interests of women, children, and other marginalised groups, they demanded female representation in government and diplomacy, they condemned imperialism and racism, opposed military capitalism, employed religious, emotional, and universalist rhetoric, and advocated the role of education. Despite widespread male domination, women taught at universities, published in academic journals, spoke at conferences, and organised international summer schools. This article explores the origins of feminist IR scholarship and contextualises this body of thought within the revisionist history of IR.

Addresses three frequent criticisms of the ICRC. Charges that the agency is not vigorous in trying to accomplish its mandate, that the mandate is too affected by tradition and amateurism, and that the agency has major organizational problems, particularly its all-Swiss membership.

"This fascinating book investigates the strategic importance of the production and dissemination of expertise in the activities of the international organizations (IOs) that have come to symbolise the dominance of the Western political and economic order. Analyzing IOs as semi-autonomous policy agenda shapers, chapters explore how they use economic frameworks to interpret the 'problems' and 'solutions' of wider, non-economic policy domains. Examining a diverse range of policy domains, such as education, global care chains, chemical safety and participatory development, this book illustrates the knowledge authority of IOs on a micro-political scale, revealing the routes and trajectories of international power. Featuring contributions from experts in the field of agenda shaping and international politics, this book is critical reading for political scientists and researchers exploring the growing influence of IOs around the world. Policymakers will also benefit from its insights into the micro-politics of IO policy agendas"--

A debate concerning whether an independent Kosovo would strengthen or undermine international security presents contrasting arguments: independence is the only realistic way to establish peace, democracy and prosperity or while independence is unavoidable, compromise settlements must be reached in order to create a safe environment for Kosovo's minorities. Those who favor swift independence argue that the possible worldwide ramifications of any settlement cannot legitimately dictate Kosovo's outcome while those in favor of a slow independence with significant compromises argue that the world cannot be reorganized according to the moral and legal principles of 18th or 19th century nationalism.