Suchergebnisse

Somalia y Etiopía se embarcaron en tres conflictos mutuamente destructivos en cinco décadas. Puede decirse que en diciembre de 2006 una combinación de razones condujo a Etiopía y Somalia hacia la guerra, incluyendo consideraciones internas de ambos estados, tales como aspiraciones territoriales, resolución de problemas internos, la amenaza del fundamentalismo islámico, la intervención de fuerzas externas y los intereses y políticas de otros estados, tales como Eritrea. Debido a estas causas, Etiopía emprendió una campaña militar contra la Unión de Cortes Islámicas (UCI), la cual, en parte confiada por su victoria sobre los señores de la guerra y por su relativa buena aceptación entre los somalíes, erró en sus cálculos al enfrentarse a las fuerzas etíopes, mucho mayores que las suyas y mejor preparadas para la batalla. Además, Estados Unidos desempeñó un papel en el estallido de la guerra, dada su política orientada a contrarrestar elementos de al-Qaeda, que aparentemente mantenían vínculos con la UCI. En términos generales, el objetivo del presente estudio es analizar los factores que condujeron a los dos estados vecinos, Etiopía y Somalia, a la guerra en 2006. Más específicamente, se proporcionará una valoración sólida sobre los actores involucrados, así como sus intereses y motivaciones. ; Somalia and Ethiopia were engaged in three mutually destructive conflicts within five decades. It can be said that, in December 2006, a combination of reasons led Ethiopia and Somalia to war including internal considerations in both states such as territorial aspirations, resolution of internal problems, the threat of Islamic fundamentalism, the intervention of external forces and the interests and policies of other states such as Eritrea. Because of these causes, Ethiopia undertook a military campaign against the Union of Islamic Courts which, in part misguided by their victory over the warlords and by their relative acceptance among the Somalis, miscalculated by engaging the very much bigger and battle-ready Ethiopian forces. Furthermore, the US played a part in the outbreak of the war because its policy of countering Al-Qaeda elements which were said to have links with the UIC. In broad terms, the study is aimed at analyzing the factors that led the two neighboring states, Ethiopia and Somalia, to war in 2006. More specifically, it will give a sound assessment of the actors involved, their interest and motivation.

"Developing-country rangelands are vast and diverse. They are home to millions who are often poor, politically marginalized, and dependent on livestock for survival. Here we summarize our experiences from six case-study sites in sub-Saharan Africa, central Asia, and Latin America generally covering the past 25 years. We examine issues pertaining to population, natural resource management, climate, land use, livestock marketing, social conflict, and pastoral livelihoods. The six study sites differ with respect to human and livestock population dynamics and the resulting pressures on natural resources. Environmental degradation, however, has been commonly observed. Climate change is also having diverse systemic effects often related to increasing aridity. As rangelands become more economically developed pastoral livelihoods may diversify, food security can improve, and commercial livestock production expands, but wealth stratification widens. Some significant upgrades in rural infrastructure and public service delivery have occurred; telecommunications are markedly improved overall due to widespread adoption of mobile phones. Pressures from grazing, farming, mining, and other land uses-combined with drought-can ignite local conflicts over resources, although the intensity and scope of conflicts markedly varies across our case-study sites. Pastoralists and their herds have become more sedentary overall due to many factors, and this can undermine traditional risk-management tactics based on mobility. Remote rangelands still offer safe havens for insurgents, warlords, and criminals especially in countries where policing remains weak; the resulting civil strife can undermine commerce and public safety. There has been tremendous growth in knowledge concerning developing-country rangelands since 1990, but this has not often translated into improved environmental stewardship or an enhanced wellbeing for rangeland dwellers. Some examples of demonstrable impact are described, and these typically have involved longer-term investments in capacity building for pastoralists, local professionals, and other stakeholders. Research is shifting from ecologically centered to more human-centered issues; traditional academic approaches are often being augmented with participatory, community-based engagement. Building human or social capital in ways that are integrated with improved natural resource stewardship offers the greatest returns on research investment. Our future research and outreach priorities include work that fortifies pastoral governance, enhances livelihoods for a diverse array of rangeland residents, and improves land and livestock management in a comprehensive social-ecological systems approach."

Somalia and Ethiopia were engaged in three mutually destructive conflicts within five decades. It can be said that, in December 2006, a combination of reasons led Ethiopia and Somalia to war including internal considerations in both states such as territorial aspirations, resolution of internal problems, the threat of Islamic fundamentalism, the intervention of external forces and the interests and policies of other states such as Eritrea. Because of these causes, Ethiopia undertook a military campaign against the Union of Islamic Courts which, in part misguided by their victory over the warlords and by their relative acceptance among the Somalis, miscalculated by engaging the very much bigger and battle-ready Ethiopian forces. Furthermore, the US played a part in the outbreak of the war because its policy of countering Al-Qaeda elements which were said to have links with the UIC. In broad terms, the study is aimed at analyzing the factors that led the two neighboring states, Ethiopia and Somalia, to war in 2006. More specifically, it will give a sound assessment of the actors involved, their interest and motivation. ; Somalia y Etiopía se embarcaron en tres conflictos mutuamente destructivos en cinco décadas. Puede decirse que en diciembre de 2006 una combinación de razones condujo a Etiopía y Somalia hacia la guerra, incluyendo consideraciones internas de ambos estados, tales como aspiraciones territoriales, resolución de problemas internos, la amenaza del fundamentalismo islámico, la intervención de fuerzas externas y los intereses y políticas de otros estados, tales como Eritrea. Debido a estas causas, Etiopía emprendió una campaña militar contra la Unión de Cortes Islámicas (UCI), la cual, en parte confiada por su victoria sobre los señores de la guerra y por su relativa buena aceptación entre los somalíes, erró en sus cálculos al enfrentarse a las fuerzas etíopes, mucho mayores que las suyas y mejor preparadas para la batalla. Además, Estados Unidos desempeñó un papel en el estallido de la guerra, dada su política orientada a contrarrestar elementos de al-Qaeda, que aparentemente mantenían vínculos con la UCI. En términos generales, el objetivo del presente estudio es analizar los factores que condujeron a los dos estados vecinos, Etiopía y Somalia, a la guerra en 2006. Más específicamente, se proporcionará una valoración sólida sobre los actores involucrados, así como sus intereses y motivaciones.

The humanitarian disaster in 1992 made the Somalis known throughout the world. The first image that appeared in the Western part of the world was the broadcast of the famine caused by the civil war. This was followed by the international intervention known as UNOSOM, when CNN covered the landing of the American intervention forces in December 1992. The next image was the fatal confrontation between UNOSOM and the local warlord, General Aideed, which resulted in the withdrawal of UNOSOM in 1995. During that period the West also came to know the Somalis more intimately as thousands of them had fled and spread to North America and Northwestern Europe. This encounter was not without problems, and raised issues such as how to integrate Somalis into society, and how and when they could be expected to return to Somalia. Today, this experience has spurred a new policy trend among Western governments that aims at directing aid to the "neighbouring" areas of refugee–generating conflicts to keep the refugees in their region. These debates are unfortunately often full of myths, and tend to suggest policies often lacking a substantial basis. Hence, this article is part of a project that attempts to shed some light on contemporary migration processes and the possible linkages between the diasporas and the social and economic development in their country of origin. The case study describes the main flows of migration in modern Somali history, and how the emerging Somali diaspora maintains links to their kin via inventive remittance systems. The possible impact of remittances on local development in Somalia is addressed in the paper, and it concludes that the linkages between aid and migration–related resource transfers are multidimensional and that development can lead to migration and vice versa.It also concludes that there is a dire need for more knowledge on the issue, which is reflected in the lack of data found for this specific case. The case shows that poverty is not the only factor for the Somali migration history. Rather, the main reason has been the intertwining of political conflict and the search for economic opportunity. Furthermore, the important effect of remittances on socio–economic development correlates with political stability, providing an environment for productive investments. It is also shown that remittances have been far more important for livelihood and survival in Somalia than development and humanitarian aid put together.

This volume provides researchers and students with a discussion of a broad range of methods and their practical application to the study of non-state actors in international security. All researchers face the same challenge, not only must they identify a suitable method for analysing their research question, they must also apply it. This volume prepares students and scholars for the key challenges they confront when using social-science methods in their own research. To bridge the gap between knowing methods and actually employing them, the book not only introduces a broad range of interpretive and explanatory methods, it also discusses their practical application. Contributors reflect on how they have used methods, or combinations of methods, such as narrative analysis, interviews, qualitative comparative analysis (QCA), case studies, experiments or participant observation in their own research on non-state actors in international security. Moreover, experts on the relevant methods discuss these applications as well as the merits and limitations of the various methods in use. Research on non-state actors in international security provides ample challenges and opportunities to probe different methodological approaches. It is thus particularly instructive for students and scholars seeking insights on how to best use particular methods for their research projects in International Relations (IR), security studies and neighbouring disciplines. It also offers an innovative laboratory for developing new research techniques and engaging in unconventional combinations of methods. This book will be of much interest to students of non-state security actors such as private military and security companies, research methods, security studies and International Relations in general.

This volume provides researchers and students with a discussion of a broad range of methods and their practical application to the study of non-state actors in international security. All researchers face the same challenge, not only must they identify a suitable method for analysing their research question, they must also apply it. This volume prepares students and scholars for the key challenges they confront when using social-science methods in their own research. To bridge the gap between knowing methods and actually employing them, the book not only introduces a broad range of interpretive and explanatory methods, it also discusses their practical application. Contributors reflect on how they have used methods, or combinations of methods, such as narrative analysis, interviews, qualitative comparative analysis (QCA), case studies, experiments or participant observation in their own research on non-state actors in international security. Moreover, experts on the relevant methods discuss these applications as well as the merits and limitations of the various methods in use. Research on non-state actors in international security provides ample challenges and opportunities to probe different methodological approaches. It is thus particularly instructive for students and scholars seeking insights on how to best use particular methods for their research projects in International Relations (IR), security studies and neighbouring disciplines. It also offers an innovative laboratory for developing new research techniques and engaging in unconventional combinations of methods. This book will be of much interest to students of non-state security actors such as private military and security companies, research methods, security studies and International Relations in general.

The article is devoted to the study of the role of General P. Kh. Wittgenstein in confrontation with Napoleonic France during the Russian army's foreign campaign of 1813–1814. The defeat of Napoleon's army in Russia necessitated the continuation of hostilities outside the Russian Empire in order to prevent the restoration of the "Great Army" and neutralize the allies of France. Emphasized on the regularity of the appointment of P. H. Wittgenstein as a commander-in-chief after the death of M. I. Kutuzov, because he was the most successful military commander in 1812. The battle way of the corps of General P. Kh. Wittgenstein in the battles of the fall of 1813 – the spring of 1814 on the territory of Germany and France is highlighted. The direct course of the key battles of 1813 (near Lutzen, Bautzen, Dresden, and Leipzig), which was decisive in the confrontation with the Sixth Coalition with Napoleonic France, is examined in detail. The author shares the opinion of some researchers that the presence of Emperor Alexander I at the headquarters of the commander-in-chief hindered his actions and did not allow him to be more independent in the making decisions, which was led to the failure of the Union Army. At the same time, the release of General P. H. Wittgenstein and the appointment of commander-in-chief of the Austrian Schwarzenberg was more a political step than the result of previous failures of the Allied army. According to the author, it was undisputed that the body of the P. H. Wittgenstein played a leading role in the allied army, and in particular the first to broke into Dresden after the "battle of the nations" near Leipzig. The little-known details of the fighting of General P. H. Wittgenstein's corps in winter-spring 1814 in France were also traced. It was concluded that the circumstances that emerged at the final stage of the Napoleonic wars did not allow P. Kh. Wittgenstein fully reveal his art of warlord. ; Стаття присвячена дослідженню ролі генерала П. Х. Вітгенштейна у протистоянні з наполеонівською Францією під час закордонного походу російської армії 1813–1814 рр. Розкрито обставини його призначення та наступного звільнення з посади головнокомандувача союзних пруссько-російських військ. Висвітлено бойовий шлях корпусу генерала П. Х. Вітгенштейна у битвах восени 1813 – навесні 1814 рр. на території Німеччини і Франції. Зроблено висновок про те, що обставини, які складалися на завершальному етапі наполеонівських війн, не дозволили П. Х. Вітгенштейну сповна виявити його мистецтво воєначальника.

This research endeavors to critically study the state-building inter-vention in Afghanistan since the collapse of the Taliban regime in late 2001. By analyzing field interviews collected from six large Af-ghan provinces, this dissertation, in particular, explores an alterna-tive state governmental design at the central level, and examines the role of elected provincial councils for decentralization at the sub-national level in Afghanistan. Since the Bonn conference in 2001, the Afghan ethnopolitical elites are divided between the Pashtuns for a heavy centralized presidential state system, and the non-Pashtuns (mainly Tajik, Hazara, and Uz-bek) for semi-presidential parliamentarism, among them some advo-cates for parliamentary federalism. While the 2004 Afghan constitu-tion adopted a heavy unitary centralized state system. In practice, it continued an ethnopolitical elite power-sharing government agreed upon at the December 2001 Bonn conference. The findings of this study reveal that implementing a non-ethnic-party and merit-based democratically elected unitary government as envisioned in the 2004 Afghan constitution, would neither be accepted by the various ethnic groups and parties nor would it be backed by the regional and inter-national partner countries. A complete federal option also fails to have majority Afghan support, nor is it suitable for a geographically and socio-politically complex, and economically weak Afghanistan. The National Unity Government (NUG) model in place since 2014 – a somewhat semi-presidential system – has not been successful, and the lack of a strong political party system also weakens the ar-guments for adopting semi-presidentialism. If peace, social justice, political stability, good governance, economic development, and na-tional integration is the optimum goal for system change, Afghans need to adopt a unitary ethnic grand-coalition at the center, (a presi-dent with three vice-presidents with no constitutional pre-specifica-tion of ethnic status for these executive posts) and a moderate decen-tralized administration at the sub-national level. This dissertation also finds that the Afghan elected Provincial Councils (PC) in place since 2005 are constitutionally week and in some instances dominated by warlords and drug mafias. Nevertheless, they have proved significant to local governance in rural Afghanistan, improving political awareness, the mobilization and participation of women, government legitimacy, democracy, and economic development. If the Afghan government ever managed to make peace with the Taliban, curbed warlordism and corruption, then for implementing decentralization, the Afghan PCs are the most feasible democratic institution to build on.

Right from the time of decolonisation, followed by end of cold war, subsahara Africa has enjoyed a relative peace. This is due to continued civil wars that still exist in some parts of the continent. The preliminary research on this topic found that the Subsahara Africa appears to have an abundant supply of illegal Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALWs) such as AK-47, which are supposed to be exclusively owned and used by the military, police officers or other security agencies in the region. In Liberia, the emergence of domestic conflicts fleared up by warlords and warlordism during the reign of ex presiedent Charles Taylor that led to the rampant use of SALWs in conflict areas. Nonetheless, the threat of illegal supply of SALWs has not been placed under International security priorities. In fact, illegal production, transfer and possession of firearms are considered only as criminal activities. This thesis has an important question; to what extent the circulation and the illicit proliferation of SALWs have posed a threat to Liberian national security? The major assumption is that the illicit proliferation of SALWs in Liberia's conflict areas such as Monrovia, Nimba county, and Mano River basin, threatened not only its national but rather regional and continental security because it became a base for nurtruing radicalist minds like Al-queada. Thus, this research aims firstly to analyse SAWLs proliferations in Africa and Liberia and secondly to analyse the capability of the regionals state (ECOMOG), African Unione, international bodies like UN how it responsended to those threats. This research used quantitative methods by using primary as well as secondary data as major sources of references. Primary data gathered were from government official documents as well and some scholars on the issue. The findings of the research show that the illicit proliferation of SALWs has threatened wide range of national security at three levels: individual, societal and state and as well as at Continental and International level. Furthermore, this thesis concludes that the Liberia's national legislations on SALWs are insufficient to regulate and control SALWs proferation. Hence, the research suggests that Liberia should accept the assistance offered by the: Regional Programmes on SALW, Proper disarmament and rehabilitation, Role of African Unione and European Unione, United Nations Programme of Action (UNPOA) to update and develop its national legislation on the illicit proliferation of SALWs.

Transnationalism has been recognized as an important aspect of international relations for several decades. It has recently also become an important factor in the analysis of conflict, helping to provide explanations for and definitions of conflict that link local incidents of violence to broader social, political and economic developments in the world order. Important transnational aspects of collective armed violence are population displacement and the role of diasporas; state-based transnational conflict networks; and international terrorism and crime. Three conflict areas that claimed international attention in 2006 and most starkly demonstrate transnational dimensions of modern conflict are Afghanistan, the Middle East and Somalia. In Afghanistan the main transnational element of the conflict was the Taliban's ability to operate from bases in neighbouring Pakistan -- an allegation that has been contested by the Pakistani Government but is otherwise generally accepted as fact. The conflict involving Israel, the Palestinian territories and Lebanon illustrated the greater role of regional and transnational conflict networks and the link between state and non-state actors, as both Hamas in the Palestinian territories and Hezbollah in Lebanon received political, ideological and practical support from states such as Iran and Syria. Recognition was given to the interlinked nature of the conflicts in the Middle East by British Prime Minister Tony Blair in his call for a 'Whole Middle East Strategy' to resolve the problems of the region. In Somalia violent battles and humanitarian crises caused scores of civilian casualties and led to widespread population displacement. The inability of the Transitional Federal Government to extend its control throughout the country enabled the Union of Islamic Courts to broaden its influence, at first challenged only by US -- supported Mogadishu warlords. Devoid of any state authority to impose internal order and to counter destructive external influences, Somalia provided a base where transnational criminal and terrorist interests could intersect. The international Somali diaspora continues to affect the conflict in various ways, and large Somali refugee populations outside the country may also be a destabilizing factor. A growing awareness of the transnational character of security issues in 2006, the urgent need to counter the negative aspects of this phenomenon and the potential for making positive use of transnational actors and influences to promote conflict resolution and peacebuilding all suggest that, in the future, finding ways to address transnational aspects of conflict will be high on the international policy agenda. Adapted from the source document.