Suchergebnisse

Offizieller Standpunkt von Staaten/Staatengruppen + Aus Sicht der DDR

Constructivism & problem-based learning are two concepts that have recently been embraced by the educational community as teachers & professors are trained to meet the needs & demands of their students & the community at large. We discuss the assumptions & premises of constructivism & problem-based learning, & the findings of a study implementing these concepts with international relations as the content in a high-tech problem-based simulation called ICONS. The findings are discussed in terms of the constructivist problem-based learning model & the application to various content fields in education. 1 Table, 26 References. Adapted from the source document.

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Part 1. Introduction to intercultural competence -- Part 2. Development and assessment of intercultural competence -- Part 3. Application of intercultural competence: Introduction to case studies: 29 case studies from around the world

The decision of the European Community (EC) members to complete their "internal market" by the end of 1992, as embodied in the 1987 Single European Act (SEA), may represent the most ambitious instance of multilateral cooperation since the construction of the post-World War II international order. The economic objective of internal market completion is the removal of a wide array of nontariff barriers to trade that elsewhere have proved politically intractable, including border controls, national standards, preferential procurement policies, and industrial subsidies. The institutional structures underpinning the internal market are more constraining on the behavior of sovereign states than has been the case for other international regimes. The SEA replaced unanimity voting (national vetoes) in the primary decision-making body of the EC, the Council of Ministers, with a system of majority voting over matters pertaining to the internal market. In addition, the internal market is buttressed by an elaborate and powerful legal system. EC law is considered to have supremacy over national laws and to have "direct effect" in domestic jurisdictions, regardless of whether it is explicitly incorporated through legislation.

Information from four audits, or audit-like reviews, of international relief programs in the Nigerian-Biafran war sheds considerable light on the financial sources, scope, timing of flows, and cost-efficiency associated with that complex operation. Beyond their intrinsic interest, which is heightened by two of the documents remaining unpublished, such economic data bear heavily on many political aspects of the relief effort. For example, they permit examination of the relationship, and partial disjunction, between dominance in contributions (which was mainly governmental and particularly American) and leadership in administration (which was chiefly continental European and private). They also facilitate an assessment of the massive or token proportions of these endeavors, their capacity to anticipate rather than just respond tardily to predictable catastrophes, and the extent of their entanglement in the domestic and international power fields that characterized the Nigerian conflict. For all their rather divergent modi operandi, the leading role in the relief process of the two private umbrella organizations is clearly apparent; but so too is the limited ambit of even such comparatively massive relief work within the context of an on-going civil war.

The paper exposes some reflections on International Terrorism within the framework of the principles of Western Democracies with the aim of understanding its impact and challenges in the future. It concludes that Terrorism creates a new International Stage in the 21st Century posing new Dynamics for Politics, and for Safety in the states. ; El artículo plantea algunas reflexiones en torno al terrorismo internacional en el marco de los principios de las democracias occidentales a fin de comprender su repercusión y los retos del fenómeno a futuro. Se concluye que el terrorismo genera un nuevo escenario internacional en el siglo XXI planteando nuevas dinámicas de la política y de la seguridad en los Estados.

This paper will investigate the aims of internationalisation and international practicum, with the focus on the later. It is important to consider whether both partners in the exchange receive benefits, and if not to reconsider the practicum arrangements to ensure greater equity of benefit. Review of literature in the field and my own experiences as a Swedish university lecturer involved in student teacher practica will be the base for this paper. Some preliminary results of my literature review show that practicum in the South mainly focuses on giving the teacher students from the North the possibility of intercultural understanding with specific goal of dealing with demographic change taking place in the student teacher´s home country. This demographic change has typically resulted in an increased cultural diversity of students in classrooms (Abraham & von Brömssen, 2018; Bosire & Brigham, 2009; Marx & Moss, 2011; Wiken & Klein, 2017). Experiences show that in the movement of students from the North to the South, economically and politically dominant countries are more likely to dictate the terms of relationships (Bosire & Brigham, 2009; Yang, 2002). Viewed from another perspective, countries considered in the center due to their economic and political influence gain more advantages than countries considered in the periphery (Barnet & Reggie, 1995).

This paper will investigate the aims of internationalisation and international practicum, with the focus on the later. It is important to consider whether both partners in the exchange receive benefits, and if not to reconsider the practicum arrangements to ensure greater equity of benefit. Review of literature in the field and my own experiences as a Swedish university lecturer involved in student teacher practica will be the base for this paper. Some preliminary results of my literature review show that practicum in the South mainly focuses on giving the teacher students from the North the possibility of intercultural understanding with specific goal of dealing with demographic change taking place in the student teacher´s home country. This demographic change has typically resulted in an increased cultural diversity of students in classrooms (Abraham & von Brömssen, 2018; Bosire & Brigham, 2009; Marx & Moss, 2011; Wiken & Klein, 2017). Experiences show that in the movement of students from the North to the South, economically and politically dominant countries are more likely to dictate the terms of relationships (Bosire & Brigham, 2009; Yang, 2002). Viewed from another perspective, countries considered in the center due to their economic and political influence gain more advantages than countries considered in the periphery (Barnet & Reggie, 1995).