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From Richard Nixon to the Israel lobby, the late Republican Congressman Paul Norton "Pete" McCloskey Jr. challenged the most powerful elements of the ruling class on the American people's behalf.On September 29, 1927, McCloskey was born in San Bernardino, California. He was raised in South Pasadena. After graduating high school in 1945, McCloskey joined the Navy and attended Occidental College as well as the California Institute of Technology. In 1950, he graduated from Stanford with a Bachelor's degree.When the Korean War began, McCloskey joined the Marines where he led a rifle platoon in a bayonet charge to take a strategic hill. He won the Navy Cross, the Silver Star, and two Purple Hearts. He remained a Marine Reserve officer for several years thereafter. In 1953, McCloskey earned his law degree from Stanford and became a deputy district attorney in Alameda County until 1954.Subsequently, from 1955-1967, he practiced general and environmental law in Palo Alto, while giving lectures on legal ethics at the Santa Clara and Stanford law schools. He was inspired to enter politics after he saw President Jack Kennedy give a speech in 1963 during a conference regarding civil rights.In a 1967 special election necessitated by the death of Rep. J. Arthur Younger, McCloskey won his seat representing the San Mateo district in Congress. With the Vietnam War already raging, McCloskey ran as an antiwar candidate defeating the beloved film star and his fellow Republican Shirley Temple Black along with the Democrat Roy Archibald.While serving seven terms in Congress, McCloskey became the first GOP representative to both oppose the war – including by calling for a repeal of the despicable Gulf of Tonkin Resolution which ostensibly authorized the unconstitutional war – and demand Nixon's impeachment.In 1972, he fought a quixotic battle attempting to unseat Nixon for the GOP nomination for President, arguing "I'll probably get licked, but I can't keep quiet." He won 19.7 percent of the vote against Nixon at the New Hampshire primary. McCloskey was emphatic, "To talk, as the president does, of winding down the war while he is expanding the use of air power is a deliberate deception."He was prevented from speaking against Nixon and the war at the Republican National Convention that year as a result of a rule written by John Ehrlichman, his old friend and law school debate partner, stating a candidate could not get to the floor with fewer than 25 delegates. McCloskey only had one.In 1975, he traveled to Cambodia to observe the mass destruction left by the massive US bombing campaign. Yale's Ben Kiernan, a leading historian on Cambodia, estimates the US dropped approximately 500,000 tons of bombs on the country between 1969-1973. According to the BBC, "the number of people killed by those bombs is not known, but estimates range from 50,000 to upwards of 150,000."Then-National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger approved nearly 4,000 bombing raids on Cambodia between 1969-1970. He infamously stated during a declassified 1970 telephone conversation "It's an order, it's to be done. Anything that flies, on anything that moves. You got that?"McCloskey condemned the atrocities committed in Cambodia, declaring that Washington had unleashed "greater evil than we have done to any country in the world, and wholly without reason, except for our benefit to fight against the Vietnamese."In the early 1980s, McCloskey began criticizing the immense power and pervasive influence of the Israel lobby on American foreign policy. He supported then-chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization Yasser Arafat. His position was that Palestinian militancy and resistance, including the use of terrorism, was a reaction to the brutality of the illegal Israeli occupation, ongoing since 1967, in the West Bank and Gaza.He vehemently opposed Israel's expansion of Jewish-only colonies in the territory intended by the United Nations as land for a future Palestinian state. He advocated for the implementation of UN resolutions which declared the so-called settlements illegal. McCloskey even put forward a resolution to withhold $150 million in US aid to Israel in order to pressure Tel Aviv to remove the settlements.Facing intense backlash from the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), McCloskey ultimately withdrew his amendment. After Israel, under the leadership of Likudnik Prime Minister Menachem Begin, passed its 1981 Golan Heights annexation law, he denounced the move as an "aggressive and imperialistic action." In response to this violation of Syrian sovereignty, McCloskey also implored Congress to rescind the $2.2 billion in US taxpayer money Tel Aviv was due to receive in 1982-1983."Until Congress is willing to stand up to Israel, every time that we step back and deliver them F-16s, or accept the bombing of downtown Beirut, we will accept whatever they want to do," McCloskey thundered. AIPAC poured money into his opponents' campaigns and he was unseated during the 1982 election."In 1982, McCloskey lost to future governor Pete Wilson in a primary election for the U.S. Senate. He told The Times that his controversial positions on Israel might have contributed to his defeat," the Los Angeles Times reports. "He has been supportive of the Palestinian people's plight since the late 1970s," Helen McCloskey, his longtime press secretary whom he married in 1982, told the outlet. "Of course, now that is very relevant," she added.Even after leaving politics, McCloskey continued to oppose the Israel lobby and its depredations against the American people. As Paul Findley, the former Illinois congressman and McCloskey's co-founder of the Council for the National Interest, has written:AIPAC's endeavors did not stop McCloskey from seeking out justice in issues related to the Middle East. In 1993, the district attorney of San Francisco released 700 pages of documents implicating the Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith, a major Jewish organization that calls itself "a defender of civil rights," in a vast spying operation. The targets of the ADL operation were American citizens who were opposed to Israel's repression of Palestinians and to the South African government's policy of apartheid. The ADL was also accused of passing on information to both governments. After experiencing "great political pressure," the district attorney dropped the charges, prompting victims to file a suit against the ADL for violation of their privacy rights. They chose Pete McCloskey as their attorney.McCloskey and his clients, two of whom were Jews who had been subjected to spying after criticizing Israeli policy in the occupied territories, revealed an extensive operation headed by ADL undercover operative Roy Bullock, whose files contained the names of 10,000 individuals and 600 organizations, including thousands of Arab Americans and national civil rights groups such as the NAACP. Much of Bullock's information was gained illegally from confidential police records. In April 2002, after a nine-year legal battle, McCloskey won a landmark $150,000 court judgment against the ADL.During the second Iraq War, McCloskey also highlighted the heavy influence of the Likud as well as the neoconservatives in spearheading the push for Washington's illegal and disastrous invasion.In a 2005 interview with Scott Horton, host of Antiwar Radio and now editorial director of Antiwar.com, McCloskey rebuked the arguments for the war and excoriated the neocons proliferating throughout the George W. Bush administration,We killed a lot of people [in Vietnam], we killed a million Vietnamese, 55,000 Americans, and wounded four or five times that many in a war we shouldn't have fought in the first place… [And in the case of Iraq,] it's the same problem. I don't know how you earn the love and affection and the minds and hearts of the ordinary Iraqi when you're blowing up his houses and killing his relatives… [Paul] Wolfowitz, and [Douglas] Feith, and this man [Richard] Perle, and John Bolton appointed to the UN [ambassadorship], those men have considered Israel almost as the 51st state. I don't think there's any secret that we've gone to war in Iraq, not to protect against the Iraq threat to the United States, but to stop the Iraq threat to Israel, the same men that have taken us into this policy and this war… [including] Perle [had been] advising the Israeli government in 1996 to take out Iraq [in the "Clean Break" document written for then Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu]. Of course, now they're pushing to take out Iran. Well why are we wanting to take out Iran? Because it represents a threat to Israel.During the interview, McCloskey continues to rail against the iron grip of the Israel lobby in American politics and warns of the consequences of the extraordinary deference to Israel regarding Washington's relations with the Middle East,And this whole policy over the last 20 years has ignored [UN Security Council] Resolution 242 which… allowed the creation of the state of Israel but said it should be side by side by a Palestinian state made up of the West Bank and Gaza. And our refusal to comply with the United Nations and now trying to appoint Bolton as our representative to the United Nations sends a signal to the world that whatever Israel does the United States is going to support, including Israel's known possession of atomic weapons… And the only reason we take these policies is because the [lobby] through AIPAC has scared every congressman into fearing they'll lose their seat if they in any way vote against Israel.In a sense, McCloskey's antiwar career came full circle in 2014 when he visited North Korea. While there, he met with a fellow veteran from the opposite side of the battle, a retired three-star general who had also been wounded. "I told him how bravely I thought his people had fought, and we embraced… We ended up agreeing that we don't want our grandchildren or great-grandchildren to fight, that war is hell, and there's no glory in it," McCloskey said.Last week, the former congressman passed away at his home in Winters, California as a result of congestive heart failure, according to family friend Lee Houskeeper. McCloskey was 96 years old.American congressmen seldomly, if ever, conduct themselves with any honor or courage. Too often we see our supposed representatives in the legislature shamelessly carrying water for the war party, lying to their constituents, regurgitating propaganda from foreign lobbies and arms-industry funded think tanks. With well over $30 trillion in debt, most of our lawmakers happily continue robbing the American people to fund the American Empire.McCloskey's example and legacy is one to emulate if we desire to avoid full-scale war with any of the current White House's favored targets: Beijing, Moscow, Pyongyang, or Tehran. Given that we already stand on the precipice of nuclear conflict with Russia and soon China, concurrently committing mass slaughter in Palestine, and edging towards war with Iran and its allies across the Middle East, we could use a great man like former California Congressman Pete McCloskey.This article was republished with permission from Antiwar.com

In its military campaign in Gaza, Israel faces a seemingly endless list of alleged human rights violations. International monitors argue the Israel Defense Forces have starved Gazans, targeted journalists attempting to cover the carnage, tortured detainees, and attacked hospitals full of wounded civilians.
The U.S. — a passionate backer of civilian protections in Ukraine — has struggled to find the right way to address these claims while still standing by its long-time partner. The bombing has been "indiscriminate," says President Joe Biden, but perhaps it will improve tomorrow. Killing more than 10,000 women and children in two months is not "genocide," argues White House spokesperson John Kirby, but Hamas' brutal Oct. 7 attacks were.
If human rights are fundamentally a matter of world consensus, then what does it tell us that the United States threatens to cast a second veto against a United Nations Security Council resolution begging for a humanitarian suspension of fighting? What does it mean when a supposed champion of human rights seems to jettison them when it becomes inconvenient? For that matter, why should Israel care about human rights when it perceives its fight as existential?
Kenneth Roth has a unique perspective on these questions. Roth, considered by many to be a dean of the human rights movement, spent nearly three decades as the executive director of Human Rights Watch before stepping down last year to become a visiting professor at Princeton University. Under his leadership, HRW drew flak for, among other things, declaring Israel's occupation of Palestinian territories to be apartheid, all while documenting in meticulous detail abuses committed by Palestinian groups, including Hamas.
RS spoke with Roth to get his thoughts on human rights at a time of crisis. The following conversation has been edited for length and clarity.
RS: How would you rate the Biden administration's handling of the Gaza crisis from a human rights perspective?
Roth: The Biden administration has been far too deferential to the Israeli Government, despite the pretty clear commission of war crimes in Gaza. And while the administration has pushed to ameliorate some of those war crimes — by pressing for humanitarian access, by urging greater attention to avoiding civilian casualties — that rhetorical push has not been backed by the use of the leverage that the administration has that might have really put pressure on the Israeli government to stop, whether that would be withholding or conditioning ongoing arm sales or military assistance, or even allowing a Security Council resolution to go forward.RS: What would a better approach look like?Roth: The initial problem was that Biden pretty unconditionally wrapped himself in the Israeli government's response to the horrible October 7 attacks by Hamas. If you look at his initial comments, while there were caveats written in about the need to respect humanitarian law, there was no emotional punch behind them. It was pretty clear that Biden simply stood with Israel and was giving it a green light to proceed with its military response to Hamas without much effort, at least during the first few weeks, to ensure that that response really did comply with humanitarian law. So I think the Israeli government got the message that the references to humanitarian law were necessary for certain audiences, but that the administration's heart was not in them.
RS: Would a more forceful form of messaging at the start have led to different results?
Roth: Obviously, it's hard to know the counterfactual. But the U.S. government, which has the greatest leverage of any external actor, didn't really use that leverage to ensure that its periodic rhetorical commitment to the need to respect humanitarian law was matched by its much more forceful embrace of the Israeli military response to Hamas.
RS: I've seen some reporting that the State Department has done internal inquiries as to whether U.S. officials could be legally complicit if Israel is found to have committed war crimes in Gaza. Do you have any thoughts on that question?
Roth: Well, they could be. Biden's references to the Israeli military conducting indiscriminate bombing were clearly not just a verbal slip. It probably reflected the internal conversations that the administration has. The second one even seems to have been somewhat deliberate. And the significance of that is that indiscriminate bombardment is a war crime. As any administration lawyer would know, continuing to provide weapons to a force that is engaged in war crimes can make the sender guilty of aiding and abetting war crimes.
That is not some crazy, wacko theory. That was the basis on which former Liberian President Charles Taylor was convicted by an internationally backed tribunal, the so-called Special Court for Sierra Leone, for providing weapons to the Sierra Leonean rebel group known as the Revolutionary United Front, a group that was notorious for chopping off the limbs of its victims. Because Taylor kept providing arms in return for the RUF's diamonds while he knew the RUF was committing these war crimes, this internationally-backed tribunal found him guilty of aiding and abetting, convicted him, and sentenced him to 50 years in prison, which he is currently serving in a British prison.
RS: My next question is a little tricky, but I'm curious how you approach it. Israel claims that this war is a fight for its very survival. Why should a country that views itself as being in that position care about respecting human rights?Roth: Well, I think the question is why should it care about adhering to international humanitarian law and protocols. It's worth noting that humanitarian law was not drafted by a bunch of human rights activists and peaceniks. This was drafted by the world's leading militaries. It was designed for war, for situations where governments often feel that they are existentially at risk, and these were the limits that the world's leading militaries imposed on themselves. Israel has signed on to these standards, and it claims to abide by them. It has many capable lawyers who could be applying them. It just isn't applying them.
It probably requires a certain psychological analysis to figure out why, but some of the signals being sent from the top indicate a willingness to disregard the requirements of humanitarian law. When you have Defense Minister [Yoav] Galant referring to the residents of Gaza as "human animals," when you have [Prime Minister Benjamin] Netanyahu invoking the biblical story of Amalek in which there's a divine injunction to not spare the men, women, children, or animals, these are not-so-subtle signals that the top political and military leadership in Israel doesn't care that much about civilian casualties. This has seemed to have manifested itself in the indiscriminate and disproportionate attacks that the Israeli military has carried out in Gaza.
RS: It seems to me that focusing on war crimes or potential war crimes can sometimes lead to really bad policy outcomes. In this case, Israel is really spotlighting Hamas' alleged war crimes. You think back to the war in Iraq, where there was a lot of highlighting of Saddam's alleged war crimes. How can advocacy for human rights avoid supporting unfettered militarism?
Roth: First, I think it's important to note that war crimes by one side do not justify war crimes by the other. If a warring party could cite the other side's war crimes, you would quickly have no more Geneva Conventions because allegations of war crimes are often made in the passions of conflict. The fact that some people have committed war crimes — in this case, both sides — doesn't justify that others resort to criminal conduct. Now, in terms of military action, few people contest that Israel had every right to respond to Hamas' military attack. It was an extraordinarily lethal military attack. It was ruthless, with widespread murder, rape, abduction, and indiscriminate bombardment. So with an attack of that sort, no one should be surprised that the Israeli government responds. The only real question was, will it respond consistent with humanitarian law? Or would it flout that law?RS: What does all this mean — especially the fact of the U.S. seemingly taking a step back in advocacy for the protection of human rights — what does all this mean for the state of human rights today?
Roth: It is harmful because the U.S. government is such a powerful voice, and when it does seem to make an exception in its human rights advocacy for a close ally like Israel, it discredits the U.S. as a voice for human rights around the world. Now, I should say this is not the only instance of inconsistency on the part of Washington. We're seeing it as well as the Biden administration tries to build alliances to oppose Russia's invasion of Ukraine or to contain China. So while the administration has spoken numerous times about its fundamental commitment to human rights, it's been a very inconsistent commitment. And that inconsistency is probably most visible in the Middle East, which has been essentially a black hole in the administration's human rights policy. It's very difficult to be so permissive of human rights violations in one region of the world and have a whole lot of credibility on human rights in other parts of the world.
This means that one of those powerful voices we have has weakened itself. It's not the first time that has happened. Under [former President Donald] Trump, the U.S. essentially abandoned any pretense of enforcing human rights. Prior administrations have had comparable inconsistencies. The U.S. still has been able to be a useful voice for human rights, despite these inconsistencies, in some cases, but it is a much weaker voice than if it had really been principled and consistent.
RS: How do you see the future of the push to get states to protect human rights? Are we in a moment of crisis that galvanizes change?
Roth: If you look at the various efforts to uphold human rights, they've been quite vigorous in certain cases. There has been a very strong response to Russian war crimes in Ukraine, complete with multiple General Assembly resolutions, the Human Rights Council standing up a commission of inquiry, the International Criminal Court launching an immediate investigation and actually charging Putin and one of his aides with war crimes.
A place where it's been weaker has been, say, China's crimes against humanity against the Uyghurs and other Turkic Muslims in Xinjiang, where we came within two votes of putting on the agenda a discussion of then-UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet's very strong report on what she called possible crimes against humanity. But we didn't even get that agenda item, so that's a place where the world has been much weaker.
But there's been greater mobilization, greater willingness to speak out on a range of other situations, whether that be Myanmar or Iran, Saudi abuses in Yemen for a time, Sudan, Ethiopia for a time, Venezuela, Nicaragua. So the idea that because there's this black hole in U.S. human rights policy, therefore nothing can get done, that's just not true. A lot gets done, but the defense of human rights is weaker because the U.S. has been an inconsistent supporter of the effort.

In this thesis I explore the links and co-production between science and politics in Namaqualand through answering three research questions: 1. To what extent have landscapes in Namaqualand changed during the last 66 years (1939-2005), and how have different land uses contributed to the state of present landscapes? 2. How have science and policy influenced each other in the formation of local planning initiatives during the land reform process in Namaqualand? 3. In what ways do politics and land tenure models influence ecological science concerning communal land management in southern African dryland areas? Land degradation has been a recurrent theme in environmental research. Widespread erosion, overgrazing and desertification presumably caused by African smallholders have been a key concern by policymakers and development agencies for more than a century. This degradation orthodoxy is partly based on equilibrium models in ecological science and partly on modernization theories of land tenure and commercialization of agriculture. Both the equilibrium model and the focus on private land tenure have met considerable critique in Southern Africa and in Africa in general. Critics argue that dryland areas are ecologically unstable and unpredictable and therefore do not fit the equilibrium model. Further, they argue that privatization of land and limitations of grazing animals will marginalize the poorer farmers and lead to more poverty in rural areas, without contributing to more sustainable grazing areas. Still however, equilibriumbased thinking continues to influence African land and environmental policies. This project was carried out in Namaqualand, South Africa where, like in the rest of South Africa, apartheid policy brought about segregation between colored and white farmers, creating a dual agricultural system. The colored population was enclosed in small reserves, while white farmers gradually formed large farms that were later fenced. This unequal distribution of land and resources has continued until today and forms the background for the land reform process that started in 1994. The thesis is a case study of the development of knowledge about environmental change in Namaqualand. It discusses the politicized production and application of science and in doing so the thesis combines the approaches of Political Ecology and Science and Technology Studies. This thesis contributes to the existing body of literature in the following ways: The first paper combines data on land cover changes in Concordia (a communal area in Namaqualand), in a neighboring private farm and in a neighboring nature reserve, with data on the history of land use in the area. The article combines repeat photography covering a period of 66 years with interviews with local farmers on land use history and the authors find that vegetation has changed negligibly in the communal area studied over the 66-year period. While cultivation in the communal areas probably changed the landscape considerably, this change happened prior to the time period studied. In the neighboring private farm, as well as in the nature reserve, vegetation cover and species composition have recovered considerably since 1939. Thus rather than a degradation process in the communal area, we uncover a regeneration in the private farm and the nature reserve, following destocking subsidies and subsequent conservation. The second paper documents how the notion of carrying capacity was employed in a management plan developed as part of the land reform policy process in Concordia. Initially, the notion of carrying capacity was used by communal farmers to challenge the current distribution of land and the dominating idea that communal farming inherently led to degradation. Eventually, however, the concept contributed to depoliticize rangeland policy by rendering the relationship between land and livestock a question of numbers and not a question of how much land communal farmers have access to. The third paper discusses the use of photography in fenceline contrast studies within ecological science. Fence-line contrast study is a methodology used in ecology to compare to areas (divided by a fence). This way one may assume that other conditions are equal and that difference in management practice can explain visible differences found. Based on two cases from Namibia and Southern Africa, the article substantiates that fenceline contrast photographs are more than an objective representation of landscape difference. Rather, they function as models that relate ecological dynamics to presumptions of land tenure and management. The message implied in using such photographs is that communal tenure inherently leads to overgrazing and, hence, to the degradation of pastures, while private tenure results in healthy rangelands. This is a message that echoes the degradation orthodoxy, and the fenceline contrast photographs thus contribute to the current pressure on communal land tenure, even thought the data as such do not support such a pessimistic view. The overall argument of this thesis is that science and politics are intrinsically linked and coproduced, both in political processes and in the production of scientific knowledge. While the findings of the first article questions general assumptions of the validity of the degradation orthodoxy in Namaqualand, the second and the third articles show how degradation orthodoxy still influences both policy processes and science production. Thus, in order to open up for other influences and new and more fitting ecological models in policy and science, change must happen at different levels of the process of knowledge production and policy formation. ; I denne avhandlingen undersøker jeg forbindelsen og samproduksjonen mellom politikk og vitenskap i Namaqualand i Sør Afrika. Avhandlingen tar utgangspunkt i tre forskningsspørsmål: 1) I hvilken grad har landskapet i Namaqualand endret seg fra 1939 til 2005, og hvordan har ulik bruk av påvirket landskapet? 2) Hvordan påvirker vitenskap og politikk hverandre når lokale plandokumenter for beiteallmenninger skal utformes i forbindelse med jordreformprosessen i Namaqualand? 3) På hvilke måter påvirker politiske modeller for organisering av eiendom den økologiske forskningen i beiteallmenninger i det sørlige Afrika? Jordforringelse har vært et tilbakevendende tema i miljøforskningen i Afrika. Politikere, byråkrater, forskere og utviklingsorganisasjoner har trukket en sammenheng mellom fattige bønders praksis og det de har tolket som utbredt erosjon, overbeite og forørkning. I Sør-Afrika er denne oppfatningen delvis basert på likevektsmodeller innen økologien og delvis på moderniseringsteorier innen samfunnsvitenskapene. Både likevektsmodellene og fokuset på privat eierskap har møtt betydelig motstand blant forskere de siste tiårene. Kritikerne hevder at tørrlandsområder har en ustabil og uforutsigbar økologisk dynamikk, og at likevektsmodellene ikke gjenspeiler det som skjer på bakken. Følgelig mener forskere at privatisering og begrensninger i dyretall marginaliserer fattige bønder og fører til mer fattigdom på landsbygda, uten at man vet om det vil føre til en mer bærekraftig utnyttelse av beiteområdene. På tross av disse advarslene dominerer likevektstankegangen afrikansk miljø- og landbrukspolitikk. Avhandlingen bygger på et feltarbeid i Namaqualand i Sør Afrika. Dette området er i likhet med resten av Sør-Afrika merket av kolonitiden og senere av apartheidtiden. Skillet mellom fargede og hvite har ført til en todeling i landbruket. Gjennom 1800 og 1900-tallet tok settlerbøndene kontroll over mer og mer av jorda til lokale gjetere og beitefolk. De fargede bøndene ble henvist til små reservater, mens hvite settlerbønder gradvis dannet større farmer som seinere ble gjerdet inn. Denne ujevne fordelingen av jord og ressurser har fortsatt fram til i dag, og er bakgrunnen for jordreformprosessen som startet i 1994. Denne avhandlingen er en case-studie av samproduksjonen mellom politikk og økologisk vitenskap i Namaqualand. Avhandlingen diskuterer den politiserte bruken og produksjonen av vitenskap og kombinerer dermed innsikter fra politisk økologi med vitenskaps- og teknologistudier. Avhandlingen er et bidrag til den eksisterende litteraturen på følgende måter: Den første artikkelen tar utgangspunkt i data om endringer i vegetasjonsdekket i allmenningen Concordia, på en tilgrensende privat farm og på et naturreservat. Disse dataene sammenliknes med data på tidligere bruk av området. I artikkelen bruker vi gamle og nye landskapsfotografier fra en periode på 66 år. De vi finner i fotografiene analyserer vi sammen med intervjuer med lokale allmenningsbønder og farmere om den historiske bruken av området. I studien fant vi en tendens som er helt motsatt av den myndighetene har advart mot. Myndighetene har fryktet at hard bruk av allmenningen vil føre til uopprettelige skader. Men på den tilgrensende farmen og i naturreservatet viser det seg at vegetasjonen er fortettet og at artssammensetningen er gjenvunnet i løpet av disse 66 årene. Dette har skjedd som følge av apartheidstatens subsidier for å kutte dyretall på farmen på 1970-tallet og det påfølgende vernet av naturreservatet. Dermed kan ikke forskjellen i vegetasjonsdekket i beiteallmenningen på den ene siden og den private farmen og naturreservatet på den andre tilskrives forringelse i allmenningen, men en regenerering og fortetting av vegetasjonen på farmen og i naturreservatet. Dette viser for det første at en slik regenerering er mulig, og for det andre at vegetasjonen i allmenningen holder seg stabil. Den andre artikkelen dokumenterer hvordan begrepet 'bæreevne' ble brukt i en planleggingsprosess i Concordia som var en del av jordreformprosessen i Sør-Afrika. Til å begynne med ble begrepet bæreevne brukt av organisasjonen som organiserte jordreformen i Namaqualand (Surplus People Project) til å vise myndighetene at den skeive fordelingen av jord hverken var økologisk eller økonomisk bærekraftig. Begrepet ble innarbeidet i forvaltningsplanene og i beiteforskriftene, og etter at omfordelingen av jorda var avsluttet fikk bæreevnebegrepet en ny funksjon. Nå bidro 'bæreevne'-begrepet til å avpolitisere beitepolitikken ved at god forvaltning ble redusert til et spørsmål om hvor mange dyr man har på beitet og at diskusjonen om hvor mye land de fattige bøndene burde ha tilgang til ble dysset ned. Den tredje artikkelen diskuterer bruken av fotografier i gjerdekontrast-studier i økologiske akademiske tidsskrifter. Gjerdekontrast-studier er en metode brukt i økologi for å sammenlikne to områder (delt med et gjerde). Basert på to caser, en studie fra Namibia og en fra Sør-Afrika, hevder jeg at gjerdekontrast-fotografier er mer enn en objektiv representasjon av forskjeller i landskap. Like viktig er at de fungerer som modeller som relaterer økologisk dynamikk til forestillinger om at privat eierskap er det mest fordelaktige for enkeltbønders økonomi og for miljøet. Disse modellene er ikke uttalt i artiklene som er studert, men budskapet som bildene uttrykker er at felleseie av beiter i seg selv fører til overbeite og dermed til beiteforringelse, mens privat eierskap medfører en mer bærekraftig bruk. Dette er et budskap som har klangbunn i de store fortellingene om degradering og allmenning som myndighetene i Sør-Afrika og Namibia har forfektet i over hundre år. Dermed bidrar bildebruken og fortolkningen av bildene til et politisk press på allmenningen som organisasjonsform, selv om dataene i artiklene ikke tegner et så dystert bilde. Det overordnede argumentet i denne avhandlingen er at vitenskap og politikk er nøye sammenvevd, både i politiske prosesser og i produksjon av vitenskap. Funnene i den første artikkelen stiller spørsmål ved den generelle oppfatningen av forringelse av beitelandet i Namaqualand. Den andre artikkelen viser at den gamle forestillingen om degradering av almenningsområdene fortsatt påvirker politikk og vitenskap. Den tredje artikkelen viser at oppfatningene om at allmenningsbeite er skadelig lever videre gjennom bruk og fortolkning av gjerdekontrastfotografier. For å åpne opp for økologiske ikke-likevektsmodeller i politikk, og for nye tanker om hva som er bærekraftig organisering av eiendom, må dermed forandringer skje på forskjellige nivåer i politikkutforming og vitenskapsproduksjon. ; Nansenfondet : Nordiska Afrikainstitutet

En el Semanario "Búsqueda", del jueves 30 de abril, el reconocido periodista uruguayo, Danilo Arbilla, publicó en su columna semanal un artículo titulado:"¿Democracia sin prensa y sin Justicia?".En el artículo en cuestión Arbilla aborda, algo parcialmente, una cuestión cuyo tratamiento no es posible eludir por mucho tiempo más: la instauración, durante la última década, de una ola de gobiernos llamados de "izquierda", "progresistas" o "populistas" -(la academia, entre tanto, discute sobre la terminología)- y la relación exacta existente entre sus prácticas políticas y el carácter pretendidamente democrático de esos gobiernos. Arbilla argumenta, con razón, que un buen número de países de la región parece estar acomodándose a una convivencia supuestamente natural entre democracia y ausencia de libertad de prensa y/o inexistencia de un poder judicial autónomo del poder político.Dejando de lado países como Cuba o Haití, donde toda discusión del tema constituye un ejercicio surrealista, el diagnóstico parece acertado. Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador, Nicaragua, Argentina, Guatemala, etc., son países cuyos gobiernos revisten como gobiernos democráticos pero, al mismo tiempo, muchas de sus decisiones levantan serias dudas sobre la legitimidad de las modalidades concretas utilizadas para ejercer el poder.El problema, como también afirma Arbilla, no es de ahora. Desde hace mucho tiempo existió en América Latina una modalidad particularmente perniciosa de "autoritarismo democrático" (expresión que constituye una típica "contradictio in adjectio") que, generalmente bajo el rótulo de "populismo", sacó simultáneamente, patente de corso en el discurso político de nuestra modernidad y legitimidad teórica en el terreno académico.En lo relativo a lo político, Arbilla recuerda con acierto que, allá por mediados del siglo pasado, los Perón, los Somoza, los Vargas, los Trujillo, los Stroessner o los "tlatoani" príistas se decían democráticos porque, efectivamente realizaban "sus" elecciones. Y este recurso, amañado en muchos casos, pero, a veces, razonablemente ejecutado, resultaba eficaz. Y ello porque la mayoría de esos gobiernos (que, cuando teníamos 20 años, llamábamos "demokráticos" en nuestra jerga estudiantil), en modalidades diversas aseguraban una aceptable gobernabilidad basada en la combinación de tres elementos fundamentales.Primero, cierta "legitimidad" política basada en la promoción sistemática de una adhesión irracional de "las masas" -(que no de "la ciudadanía")-, a los líderes arriba mencionados y motorizada por el crecimiento económico derivado de una coyuntura económica internacional favorable y del proceso de sustitución de importaciones que la primera permitía financiar;Segundo, el ejercicio autoritario del poder mediante el uso combinado de la represión, mayoritariamente orientada hacia las élites políticas y culturales de oposición, y la satisfacción, estatalmente regulada, de demandas "populares" -(algunas, legítimas, otras terroríficas)- que esas masas "protociudadanas" requerían. Esencialmente: distribución de dádivas y honores, sindicalización oficialista y progubernamental, democratización de la corrupción , clientelismo desenfrenado, obra pública "monumentalista", retórica internacional "beligerante", oposición oficialmente dirigida, castigos ejemplarizantes a familias pudientes o personajes notorios, etc. En pocas palabras: toda la parafernalia de la manipulación autoritaria en la que América Latina ha descollado internacionalmente.Tercero, el apoyo explícito (a los Somoza, Stroessner, Pérez Jiménez, etc.) o subrepticio (a Perón o al PRI) de los EE.UU. que, desquiciados por el macartismo y la lógica de la Guerra Fría, consideraban "elecciones democráticas" cualquier clase de gimnasia electoral que permitiese asegurar, falseando impunemente el espíritu original de la doctrina Monroe, la fidelidad de todo tipo de aliado, siempre que garantizase la dosis adecuada de anticomunismo que ellos necesitasen.Este estado de cosas fue quebrantado por dos acontecimientos decisivos: el agotamiento del crecimiento basado en la sustitución de exportaciones y la Revolución Cubana. La década de los años 60 fue el momento en que ambos procesos convergieron.Económicamente, terminadas la alta demanda de materias primas y la escasez de productos manufacturados causados por la Segunda Guerra Mundial y subsiguiente Guerra de Corea, un número importante de países latinoamericanos vieron su crecimiento detenido o francamente deteriorado. El "autoritarismo democrático" se quedó sin gasolina para seguir financiando sus dislates: el estado populista, basado en el uso indiscriminado de la caja fiscal, ya no pudo financiar los costos de sus mecanismos de gobernabilidad.Políticamente, por otro lado, Fidel Castro renegó de aquel contradictorio y tradicional populismo latinoamericano y optó, abierta y francamente, por el totalitarismo "marxista-leninista". Si sólo hubiese sumido a Cuba en la dictadura, las cosas no habrían tenido mayor trascendencia continental. Pero lo que sucedió fue que Fidel y sus aliados soviéticos decidieron promover el modelo totalitario a lo largo y a lo ancho de América Latina.Atrapados entre la pinza fatal de la falta de recursos y la reacción política (sustantivamente apoyada por la IIIa. Internacional y Fidel Castro) de las bases del populismo que, súbitamente, vieron agotada la mecánica del clientelismo, el distribucionismo corrupto y las dádivas estatales, los gobiernos "demokráticos" tradicionales de América Latina fueron cayendo como fichas de dominó. Los gobiernos populistas fueron desplazados, entre la mitad de los años 60 y la primera mitad de los 70, por dictaduras militares que, en su mayoría, si no llegaron a calificar como totalitarismos fue sólo porque carecían de esa "idea fuerza" medular que caracteriza a todo que merece el nombre de totalitario. Porque, en lo que respecta a sus métodos, cabe recordar que "no le cedían la derecha" a nadie.Se abrió, entonces, la era de los Castello Branco, los Gregorio Álvarez, los Pinochet, los Videla, los Banzer, incluso los Velasco Alvarado. Por limitado que fuese el contenido democrático del ordenamiento constitucional vigente durante el período populista, éste resultó ser inapropiado para los regímenes militares emergentes. América Latina, en un significativo número de países, cayó en la era de las dictaduras. No solamente las constituciones fueron violadas: sencillamente se inventaron textos "ad hoc" para poder llevar a cabo los objetivos de estos nuevos regímenes donde las Fuerzas Armadas se fagocitaron gobiernos y aparatos de estado.No es este el lugar para intentar un ranking de los horrores del período pero, dejando siempre a Cuba y Haití del lado, es presumible que Chile y Argentina se lleven las palmas en materia de ejercicio desaforado del poder. En grandes líneas, durante más de una década los países de América Latina experimentaron niveles de represión, de violación de los derechos humanos, de ignorancia total del estado de derecho, probablemente desconocidos desde algunos períodos muy especiales del siglo XIX. Y, sin embargo, aun así, hubo regímenes como el brasileño -(y varios más)- que se dieron el lujo de organizar un "partido de oposición" y hasta hubo "elecciones" organizadas al sólo efecto de legitimar una situación de dictadura de hecho claramente consolidada.Cabe señalar que, con la única excepción del gobierno de Jimmy Carter que intentó algún distanciamiento de estas dictaduras que competían entre sí por la ignominia, los gobiernos norteamericanos resultaron siempre aliados de estas dictaduras que, bajo al excusa del anticomunismo, practicaban de hecho distintas versiones de la más brutal tiranía.En la década de los años 80, la situación se revirtió. En un gran número de países se asistió al retorno, no sólo de elecciones llevadas adelante correctamente. Vimos el retorno, más o menos exitoso de la democracia en sentido estricto. Es decir elecciones llevadas adelante con garantías, poliarquía partidaria, ejercicio irrestricto de todas las libertades. En otros términos, se instalaron regímenes democráticos que cumplían con los requisitos de la "democracia mínima" que, en su momento, definiese tan precisamente Norberto Bobbio . Es decir regímenes políticos con 3 características básicas:Que las decisiones del gobierno fuesen tomadas de acuerdo a reglas que estableciesen, precisamente, quienes son los individuos autorizados para tomarlas ycuales son los procedimientos que deben seguir dichos individuos autorizados para que sus decisiones sean obligatorias; que la regla fundamental de la democracia, la regla de la mayoría, fuese el mecanismo fundamental para legitimar las decisiones, y que para que éstas dos condiciones anteriormente citadas funcionasen, era necesario que, aquellos llamados a elegir a quienes deberán decidir tenganalternativas reales de elección y gocen de todos los derechos inviolables del individuo. Es decir no solo libertad de prensa y autonomía del poder judicial. Todaslas libertades del individuo para elegir y en una situación de poliarquía: es decir elegir entre varias opciones razonablemente equivalentes.En buen romance: lo que se comenzó a instalar hacia mediados de los años 80 en América Latina fue la única forma de democracia que merece esa apelación: la democracia liberal y no un régimen electoral de selección de autoridades donde no están dadas ni las condiciones ni las libertades fundamentales que tan precisamente establece Bobbio. Seguramente por ello (y por otras razones económicamente más determinantes), lentamente, las condiciones económicas de la región, con excepciones conocidas, comenzaron a mejorar.Lo que resulta alarmante es que, en efecto, en cuanto la economía regional comenzó a dar ciertas tímidas señales de bonanza desde inicios del nuevo siglo, en América Latina comenzaron a instalarse gobiernos que se consideran "democráticos" porque han ganado elecciones en las que no se cumple ninguna, o casi ninguna, de las otras condiciones de la democracia tal como ésta fuese definida.Hoy tenemos una América Latina poblada de "democracia populista","democracia bolivariana", "democracia indigenista", etc., etc., y no puede ser casualidad que en todas estas "novedosas" democracias no solamente aparecen reiteradas violaciones a la libertad prensa y recurrentes desconocimientos y/o avasallamientos del poder judicial como señala Arbilla. Reaparece un frenesí de releccionismo presidencial, reaparece la institucionalización de la corrupción, reaparece el clientelismo desenfrenado, reaparecen viejas y nuevas variedades de corporativismo sindical, reaparece la agresividad en el discurso de política internacional. etc. En otros términos: todo parece indicar que estaríamos, nuevamente ante una nueva generación de gobiernos "demokráticos" que emerge de la mano de un sempiterno populismo que resurge en la escena política.Como muy rara vez la historia se repite es prudente conservar el uso del condicional pero, en cualquier caso, lo que sí es cierto, es que la democracia retrocede vertiginosamente en América Latina.- "Los muchachos peronistas" es la expresión consagrada para designar, en la Argentina, a las hordas oficialistas que asolaron impunemente los objetivos gubernamentalmente designados o aleatoriamente elegidos por la lógica de la patota.- La expresión ampliamente utilizada, aun hoy, por las nuevas clases medias mexicanas nacidas a la sombra del populismo del PRI que reza: "La Revolución me hizo justicia" es el mejor ejemplo de esta práctica de generalización de las corruptelas basada en la participación popular en el botín que el populismo utilizó (y, como veremos, utiliza hasta la fecha, por ejemplo, en la Argentina) como recurso para conseguir gobernabilidad e impunidad al unísono.- En México, donde no hubo ruptura constitucional alguna ni intromisión militar y donde las elecciones se llevaban a cabo con total regularidad, el PRI resultaba ser el gran financista y dirigente de una oposición destinada a vestir de democracia dichos eventos electorales.- El tema no puede ser desarrollado en este corto artículo pero hubo dictaduras, como la guatemalteca, que llegaron a perder en buena medida el apoyo norteamericano en virtud de la barbarie con la que se manejaron quedando internacionalmente aisladas con el único socio de la antigua Sudáfrica del "apartheid".- "El futuro de la democracia", F.C.E. México, 1986, pp.14-15.

The many and varied crises in the world economy since 2007 seem to have different origins and diverse manifestations. This paper contends that there is however a structural shift beneath the global economy that is now reaching a critical mass, and that accounts for many of these crises, despite the diversity of manifestations. This shift is occasioned by two kinds of technological changes--the familiar labor-saving and what is here called "labor-linking." The paper argues that these changes (1) create a short-term window of opportunity for developing and emerging economies, but (2) in the long run constitute a major, multilateral policy challenge for all. To meet this challenge, we have to think outside the box and conceive of innovative policies. The paper briefly speculates on what those policies might be.

Since 1947, the Vietnam Social Security (VSS) has provided social insurance to public servants and armed forces personnel in Vietnam. In 1995, the Government merged the social insurance unit of the Ministry of labour, invalids and social affairs with that of the Vietnam General Confederation of labor. At the same time the system became mandatory to the employees of the newly developing private sector. The consolidated system is publicly managed by the VSS administration. VSS collects contributions and pay social insurance benefits (in case of sickness and sick leaves, maternity and family planning related leaves, work injury and professional disease, survivorship and to people that reached pension ages). This paper investigates this issue by reviewing the characteristics of employment in Vietnam. It concludes that the risk that social coverage remains limited for many years is high and, presents accordingly some policy options to augment VSS's chances to reach universal coverage in the future.

Soğuk Savaş'ın sona ermesi ile birlikte, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti kendisini büyük bir güven boşluğunun ve "stratejik önem" tartışmasının içerisinde buldu. Soğuk Savaş boyunca Sovyet yayılmacılığına karşı Batı'nın ileri karakolu fonksiyonunu üstlenmiş olan Türkiye, artık bu önemini yitiriyor muydu? Uğruna binlerce evladını Kore'de feda etmeyi göze alacak kadar önem ve değer atfettiği NATO'nun güvenlik şemsiyesi, artık kapanıyor muydu? Batı "kullanma süresi bitmiş" edası ile Türkiye'yi bir köşeye atacak ve ilgisini esirgeyecek miydi? Ve nihayet, cadı kazanını andıran coğrafyasında Türkiye, terrörizm, fundemantalist saldırılar, ayrılıkçılık, risk ve belirsizlik gibi Soğuk Savaş sonrası dünyanın temel sorunları ile başbaşa mı bırakılıyordu? Bu güven bunalımı ve yalnızlık pisikolojisi öyle boyutlara ulaştı ki, Türkiye, ekonomik getirilerinin yanında, bu bunalımdan kurtulmak ve bölgede istikrarı sağlamak için, Karadeniz Ekonomik İşbirliği (KEİ) örgütünün kurulmasında öncülük görevini üslenmeyi bir çözüm yolu olarak gördü.Ancak bu endişe ve öngörülerin hiçbiri gerçekleşmedi. Çünkü, Türkiye'nin imdadına, yine hem dert kaynağı hem de zenginlik nedeni olan jeopolitik konumu yetişti. NATO'nun Soğuk Savaş sonrasında değişen ve risk ve belirsizlik kavramını esas alan yeni stratejik konsepti içerisinde; biri, Doğu Avrupa'dan başlayarak Rusya üzerinden Asya'ya uzanan, ve diğeri, Kuzey Afrika üzerinden Orta Doğu ve Türkiye'yi de içine alarak Kafkaslar'a uzanan belirsizlik ve istikrarsızlık yaylarının tam merkezinde kalan Türkiye, önemi Soğuk Savaş dönemine göre bir kat daha artmış olarak ortaya çıktı. Balkanlar'da 1990'lı yılların başından itibaren meydana gelen gelişmeler ve Orta Asya'daki 200 milyar varillik Hazar petrolleri ve doğal gaz kaynakları, ve bu kaynaklara hakim bağımsızlığını yeni kazanmış Orta Asya Türk Cumhuriyetlerinin üzerindeki Türk nüfuzu, Türkiye'yi bölgede vazgeçilmez bir stratejik ortak haline getirdi. İşte bu durum, Türkiye'de en yetkili ağızlarca "Adriyatik'ten Çin Seddine Türk dünyası ve Türk nüfuz alanı" sözleri ile dile getirildi. Böylece Türkiye, korkulanın aksine, elinde birçok stratejik kozu bulunduran bir bölgesel güç olma yoluna girmiş bulunuyordu.Ortaya çıkan bu yeni konjonktür, herkesten çok, büyük bir imparatorluktan nispeten sınırlı ve küçük bir devlet haline dönüşmüş olmanın sıkıntılarını ve psikolojisini yaşayan Rusya'yı rahatsız etti. Çünkü, en üst seviyeden ifade edilen Adriyatik'ten Çin Seddi'ne uzanan bu bölge Rusların tarihi nüfuz bölgelerini, ve 1993 tarihli Rus Askeri Doktrini'nde ifade edildiği gibi "arka bahçelerini", yani Kafkasları kapsıyordu. Ve bu rahatsızlığa Stratejik değere sahip Hazar petrollerinin hangi yoldan dünya pazarlarına ulaştırılacağı mücadelesi eklenince, Soğuk Savaş döneminde karşılıklı sinir harbi şeklinde cereyan eden mücadele, 19. Yüzyılda İngiltere ile Rusya arasındaki mücadeleye benzer şekilde "Büyük Oyun"a dönüştü. Bu "Büyük Oyun"dan galip çıkabilmek için, Türkiye'nin çok hassas ve dengeleri kollayan bir politika izlemesi gerekmektedir. Bu bağlamda, önceleri Kafkasları Ruya'nın "arka bahçe"si olarak gören Amerika Birleşik Devletleri 1997 Baharından itibaren politika değiştirerek, Kafkasları ABD'nin hayati çıkarlarının bulunduğu bölge olarak tanımlamaya ve Hazar Petrollerinin dünya pazarlarına ulaştırılmasında Bakü-Ceyhan seçeneğini resmi olarak desteklemeye başladı. Açıkça ifade ettiği diğer bir gerçek ise Türkiye'yi Kafkaslarda stratejik ortak olarak gördüğü idi. Bu durum Türkiye'nin Rusya karşısındaki durumunu güçlendiren önemli bir gelişme oldu.Soğuk Savaş sonrasında Türkiye ile Rusya arasındaki mücadelenin kızışmasına yardımcı olan diğer önemli bir unsur, NATO'nun 1994'ten itibaren karara bağladığı "Genişleme " stratejisi oldu. NATO doğuya doğru genişleyecek ve Rusya'yı, Soğuk Savaş dönemindeki "çevreleme" politikasına benzer şekilde kıskaca alacaktı. Bu gelişme, Rusya'nın çok büyük tepkisini çekti ve tekrar Soğuk Savaş dönemine dönme tehditlerine ve Rusya'nın dünyayı tekrar bloklaşmaya götürebilecek, Çin, Hindistan, İran ve Ermenistan gibi ülkelerle bir takım stratejik işbirliği ve itifak arayışlarına neden oldu. Hatta Rusya, NATO'nun bu stratejisinin bir parçası olarak gördüğü ve de nüfuz alanı konusundaki mücadelesinden de dolayı, Türkiye'yi direkt tehdit edecek tarzda ülkeyi bölmeyi içeren PKK yanlısı stratejiler benimsedi. Nitekim 1998 Temmuzundan itibaren Suriye'den çıkarak Rusya'ya giden terörist başı APO'nun Rusya'da gördüğü himaye, ve Moskova yakınlarındaki terörist eğitim kampı ve Kürt evi bu stratejinin sonraki yansımaları niteleğinde idi. Bu stratejinin diğer bir kolu ise Türkiye etrafında oluşturulmak istenen "Ortodoks Çevreleme" politikasıdır. Kosova krizi konusunda Rusya ve Yunanistan'nın takındıkları tavır, ve Rusya'nın büyük krize neden olan S-300 füze bataryalarını Güney Kıbrıs Rum Kesimi'ne ısrarla teslim etmeyi isteyerek, Türkiye'yi doğrudan suçlaması ile adadaki işgalci kuvvetlerden bahsetmesi ise, Rus stratejisinin diğer yansımalarıdır.Tarih ders alınacak en güzel kaynaktır. Tarihsel süreç, yönetimde hangi rejim bulunursa bulunsun, Rusya'nın yüzyıllar boyunca hiç değişmediğini ve "sıcak denizlere inme" diye özetlenebilecek tarihi ihtiraslarını her fırsatta gerçeklemeye çalıştığını gösteriyor. Ve yine tarihi tecrübe, Rusya'nın Batılı büyük devletler tarafından Avrupa'dan ve Balkanlar'dan her atıldığında ve doğuya sürüldüğünde, Rusların bir süre sonra doğuda güçlenerak tekrar batıya ve yaşamsal çıkarlarının bulunduğuna inandıkları Balkanlara döndükleri, ve bu her geri dönüş sonrasında Boğazlar ve Anadolu toprakları üzerinde Rus taleplerinin ortaya çıktığı görülüyor. Tamamı ile Türk devletinin Ruslara karşı hayatta kalabilme mücadelesi şeklinde geçmiş bulunan Ondokuzuncu yüzyıl ile, Yirminci yüzyılda meydana gelen olaylar gözönüne alınarak yapılan Türk-Rus mücadelesi için mukayeseli bir araştırma, sürekli birbirine benzer gelişmelerin meydana geldiğini göstermekte ve yaşananlardan pek ders alınmadığı anlaşılmaktadır. Bu bağlamda, 1856 Paris Anlaşması ile ortaya çıkan konjonktür ile, Soğuk Savaş sonrasında ortaya çıkan konjonktür birbirine çok benzemektedir. Paris Anlaşması'ndan sonra doğuya sürülen Rusya'nın 20 yıl gibi kısa bir süre sonra tekrar Batıya döndüğünü, ve Avrupa'daki çekişmelerden ve oluşan dengelerden yararlanarak, 1877-1878 Türk-Rus harbi ile Osmanlı Devleti'ne en ağır yenilgiyi tattırdığını ve devleti parçalama aşamasına getirdiğini görüyoruz. O nedenle, NATO'nun doğuya genişlemesi Rusya'nın tekrar geri dönmesini olanaksız hale getirecek fırsatlar sunarken, Soğuk Savaş sonrası ortaya çıkan konjonktür ise Türkiye'nin bir bölgesel güç olmasını sağlayacak stratejik avantajlar doğurmaktadır. Bu çalışmanın amacı, ondokuzuncu ve yirminci yüzyıllarda meydan gelen olaylar arasındaki şaşırtıcı benzerliği ortaya koyarak benzer hatalara düşülmesini önlemek ve NATO'nun doğuya genişlemesi ve Soğuk Savaş sonrası konjonktür ile su yüzüne çıkan fırsatların değerlendirilmesi mevzuunda perspektif verebilmektir.ABSTRACTWith the end of the Cold War, Turkish Republic found itself at the center of such debates as a great security vacuum and "strategic significance". Was Turkey, which functioned for years as the forward post for the western interests against the Soviet expansionism during the Cold War, losing its significance any more? Was the NATO's security umbrella, to which Turkey attached so great importance that it even sacrificed thosands of Turkish troops in Korean War in 1950, pursing up now? Would the West put Turkey aside and treat it in such a manner that "its expiry date had come", and also refrain from granting its concern on Turkey? And finally, would the West leave Turkey alone with such questions of the post Cold War world as terrorism, fundamentalist attacks, apartheid, risks and instability in geography of turmoil? This security crisis and the psychology of loneliness reached to such a degree that, Turkey regarded the leading role in foundation of organisation of the Black Sea Cooperation (BSC) as the sole solution to its problems. None of these worries and considerations, however, came true, because Turkey's geopolitic position, which has always become the matter of either prosperity or cause of questions for Turkey, came to its help this time. Within NATO's new strategic concept renewed after the end of the Cold War, which considered the concepts of risk and instability as its principles to NATO's worldwide policy, Turkey remained at just the center of two arcs of uncertainities, the first of which extended from Eastern Europe to Asia through Russia, and the later of which extended from Sothern Europe and the Balkans to the Caucasus through the Northern Africa, the Middle East and Turkey. Thus, Turkey appeared in the world scene as its significance increased twofold comparing to that during the Cold War. The developments in the Balkans beginning from early 1990s, 200 milliard-barrel oil reserves and natural gas resources in the Central Asia, and the Turkish influence over the newly independent Turkic republics made Turkey the inrelinquishable strategic partner in the region. And this situation had been expressed by top-level authorities in Turkey by, "the Turkic world and Turkish zone of influence from the Adriatic up to Chinese great Wall". And Turkey turned out to be a regional power, which gets hold of many strategic trumps at hand, in contrast to what was anticipated in the beginning.This new conjecture, which has emerged following the end of the Cold War, rose greater unrest in Russia than in any other state, which was experiencing the difficulties and psychology of a state having shrinked from a huge empire to a relatively small and slight restricted power, because the zone, which had been described by top autorities in Turkey as the Turkish zone of influence, also involved the Russian ancient sphere of influence and the Caucasus, the Russian "near abroad", as defined in the new Russian military doctrine in 1993. And when the struggle on through which route the strategically significant Caspian oil will be transported to the world markets, is to be added to this unrest in Russia, the fight between Russia and Turkey, which took place in a form of "mutual war of nerves" during the Cold War, has been transformed into a contention similar to "the Great Game" between Russia and Great Britain in the nineteenth century. Turkey needs to pursue a very delicate and balance monitoring policy against Russia, in order to accomplish becoming winner in this new "Great Game" in twentieth century. In this regard, the US, which initially regarded the Caucasus as the Russian "near abroad", changed its policy starting from 1997 Spring and began stating that the Caucasus was also the region, where the American vital interests laid and has also given start to a direct support the Bakü-Ceyhan alternative as from this date. Another American confession was that they deemed Turkey as their strategic partner in the Caucasus, which mostly enhanced Turkey's position in its struggle against Russia.Another reason contributing to the increase in tension between Turkey and Russia after the end of the Cold War had been the NATO's eastward enlargement strategy, which was resolved in 1994 Brussel Summit. NATO would expand eastward and contain Russia in such a fashion similar to the "policy of containment" during the Cold War years. These developments called for great reactions from Russia, and caused some Russian searches of strategic alliance and cooperation with such states as China, India and Iran. In fact, Russia saw Turkey as a crucial part of this NATO strategy and adopted PKK prone strategies, as a response to Turkey's increasing influence in the Caucasus and its contribution to Chechnya, which aimed to divide the state's integration. As a matter of fact, the Russian protection to terrorist leader APO in Moscow after it had been forced to abandon Syria in July 1998, terrorist training camps near Moscow and Kurdish House in Moscow were all the reflections of the Russian policy against Turkey. Another branch of this strategy was the "Orthodox containment" around Turkey. The Russian and Greek policy in Kosovo crisis, and Russian insistence on delivery of S-300 missiles to Southern Cyprus, by accusing Turkish forces in Northern Cyprus of being illegal intruders in the island are also the other reflections of this Russian strategy.History is the most correct way of taking lessons. Historical cource indicates that Russia has never changed for centuries, and has always tried to realise its ancient goal of "gaining access to warm seas" in summary, on every occasion, no matter which ideology or regime has been in power in Russia. Again, the historical experiences show that after Russia had been driven eastward by European big powers, Russia has always turned back to the Balkans after a while, where they believed their vital interests existed, by having summed up its strength in the East. It is also seen that Russian demands on Turkish Straits and Anatolia mostly coincide with the Russian return to Europe and to the Balkans from the East. When we carry out a comparative study on the Turko-Russian fight in history, particularly by taking the events in the nineteenth century, which all went by with Turkish struggles of survival against Russians, and developments in twentieth century into consideration, we easily see that very similar events occurred in history, but unfortunately no lessons from the progressing occurences had been taken. In this respect, the conjecture appeared immediately after the Paris Agreement in 1856 mostly resembles to the conjecture, which has come out following the disintegration of the former Soviet Union in early 1990s. Russia turned back to the West and to the Balkans in just 20 years after it had been driven eastward following Paris Agreement. Russia inflicted the greatest losses and defeat on Turks in 1877-1878 Turkish-Russian War, and brought the Ottoman State on the verge of disintegration. For that reason, while NATO's eastward enlargement offeres chances for making Russia's return unlikely, the post Cold War conjecture, on the other hand, bear some strategic advantages, which would provide Turkey to become a regional power in its geography.The aim of this study is, first of all, trying for prevention of repitition of the same failures as in history, by bringing out the bewildering resemblance between the events in nineteenth and twentieth centuries and secondly giving partially perspective on evaluation of the opportunities, having emerged after the end of the Cold War and NATO's eastward expansion strategy.

El mundo con los ojos puestos en Barack Obama Varios medios informan al respecto: "The Economist": "Challenges facing Barack Obama: Obama's world. How will a 21st-century president fare in a 19th-century world?": http://www.economist.com/displaystory.cfm?story_id=12551938 "The economic crisis: Wolves at the door. Financial mess and gathering recession dominate Barack Obama's economic agenda": http://www.economist.com/displaystory.cfm?story_id=12551926 "The presidency: Signed, sealed, delivered. Barack Obama owes his victory to blacks, Hispanics, the young, women of all races, the poor and the very rich": http://www.economist.com/world/unitedstates/displaystory.cfm?story_id=12566893 "El País" de Madrid: "El primer cara a cara entre Obama y Bush, frente a la Casa Blanca": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/primer/cara/cara/Obama/Bush/frente/Casa/Blanca/elpepuint/20081110elpepuint_4/Tes"El mundo que espera a Barack Obama: Las guerras de Irak y Afganistán y la crisis con Irán y Rusia son las prioridades - La nueva Administración es partidaria de rebajar las sanciones contra Cuba": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/mundo/espera/Barack/Obama/elpepuint/20081110elpepiint_1/Tes"Le Monde":"Barack Obama annonce un plan de relance":http://www.lemonde.fr/elections-americaines/article/2008/11/08/barack-obama-annonce-un-plan-de-relance_1116415_829254.html#ens_id=863164"CNN":"Bushes welcome Obamas to White House": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/POLITICS/11/10/obama.bush/index.html"CNN" presenta sitio con links a artículos relacionados a la victoria de Barack Obama:http://topics.edition.cnn.com/topics/barack_obama"MSNBC":"Obama planning U.S. trials for Gitmo detainees: President-elect has described camp as 'sad chapter in American history'": http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/27640617/"Who will be Obama's top diplomat?: The next secretary of state will face challenges in Iraq, Russia, Pakistan": http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/27678239/"El Tiempo" de Colombia:"Barack Obama y George Bush se reunieron por dos horas para alistar cambio en la Casa Blanca": http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/euycanada/home/barack-obama-y-george-bush-se-reunieron-por-dos-horas-para-alistar-cambio-en-la-casa-blanca_4656194-1"BBC":"Obama meets Bush at White House": http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/us_elections_2008/7720137.stm"Times":"Bush 'rebuffed Obama on car industry bailout'": http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/us_and_americas/article5130170.ece"Times" presenta sitio con links a artículos relacionados a la victoria de Barack Obama:http://timesonline.newspaperdirect.com/epaper/viewer.aspx"La Nación":"Obama, en busca de un posible acercamiento a Afganistán e Irán: Según publica el diario The Washington Post citando a asesores de presidente electo, la estrategia "más regional" se pondría en marcha al comienzo del mandato": http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1068879"Barack y Obama, los nombres de moda: La obamamanía llega a los bebes": http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1068764"Obama ya puso un pie en la Casa Blanca: Se reunió con Bush para iniciar la complicada transición": http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1068759"Consejos para el presidente electo: Por Andrés Oppenheimer": http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1068731"Obama pretende trasladar a los presos de Guantánamo a EE.UU.: Sería el primer paso para cumplir su promesa de cerrar la controvertida cárcel": http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1068728"China Daily":"Bush, Obama all smiles during White House visit": http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2008-11/11/content_7192994.htm"El Mercurio" de Chile:"Matrimonio Bush recibió con sonrisas a los Obama en la primera visita a su nueva casa":http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/11/11/internacional/_portada/noticias/2C1E60CF-E333-4C8B-AA6B-1D8435085F1B.htm?id={2C1E60CF-E333-4C8B-AA6B-1D8435085F1B}"Time":"Time" presenta sitio con links a artículos relacionados a la victoria de Barack Obama:http://www.time.com/time/politics AMERICA LATINA "CNN" informa: "Flooding, heavy rains delay Honduras elections": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/americas/11/05/honduras.elections.ap/index.html"El Tiempo" de Colombia anuncia: "Huracán 'Paloma' se esfuma sobre Cuba sin dejar víctimas pero sí destrozos":http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/home/huracan-paloma-se-esfuma-sobre-cuba-sin-dejar-victimas-pero-si-destrozos_4651453-1"MSNBC" publica: "Death toll rises to 94 in Haiti school collapse: Firefighters use sonar, cameras and dogs in search for victims": http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/27595445/"CNN" plantea: "Officials not expecting more survivors in Haiti school collapse": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/americas/11/10/haiti.school.collapse/index.html"China Daily" anuncia: "Death toll rises to 94 in Haiti school collapse": http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2008-11/11/content_7193299.htm"El País" de Madrid: "Al menos dos muertos en enfrentamientos tras las elecciones en Nicaragua: La oposición rechaza los resultados y afirma que se están publicando los resultados favorables al Frente Sandinista": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/muertos/enfrentamientos/elecciones/Nicaragua/elpepuint/20081110elpepuint_16/Tes"BBC" publica: "Nicaragua election clash 'deaths'": http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/7721253.stm"El Tiempo" de Colombia anuncia: "Oposición rechaza cómputos de elecciones municipales en Nicaragua, donde sandinistas llevan ventaja": http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/home/oposicion-rechaza-computos-de-elecciones-municipales-en-nicaragua-donde-sandinistas-llevan-ventaja_4654457-1"El País" de Madrid plantea: "Calderón nombra a un abogado como nuevo secretario de Gobernación de México: Fernando Francisco Gomez Mont sustituirá a Juan Camilo Mouriño, quien falleció la semana pasada en un accidente aéreo en Ciudad de México": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Calderon/nombra/abogado/nuevo/secretario/Gobernacion/Mexico/elpepuint/20081110elpepuint_13/Tes"CNN" anuncia: "New Mexico interior minister named after deadly crash": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/americas/11/10/mexico.interior.ministry/index.html"El Mercurio" de Chile informa: "Calderón y Uribe acuerdan crear un frente común contra la delincuencia transnacional: Mandatarios fortalecerán cooperación en lucha antidrogas, seguridad y justicia.": http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/11/11/internacional/_portada/noticias/C828EDE7-B5C1-4892-BA3F-958EA29AEAF1.htm?id={C828EDE7-B5C1-4892-BA3F-958EA29AEAF1}"CNN" informa: "FARC rebels to exchange letters on hostages": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/americas/10/28/colombia.farc/index.html"El Universal" de Méjico plantea: " Preparó las FARC a jóvenes para infiltrarlos en universidades: La escuela de formación hacía parte de los frentes de las FARC y durante la instrucción a los jóvenes les designaban la universidad a la que debían ingresar": http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/554657.html"El Mercurio" de Chile informa: "Jorge Enrique Botero, periodista que escribe sobre la guerrilla colombiana: "Las FARC han recibido este año los golpes más grandes de toda su historia"": http://diario.elmercurio.com/2008/11/11/internacional/internacional/noticias/BA1A228F-15B7-4C7C-8AC2-558AC883539D.htm?id={BA1A228F-15B7-4C7C-8AC2-558AC883539D}"El Tiempo" de Colombia anuncia: "Hugo Chávez ordena tomar militarmente aeropuerto de estado gobernado por disidente": http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/home/hugo-chavez-ordena-tomar-militarmente-aeropuerto-de-estado-gobernado-por-disidente_4655811-1"La Nación" publica: "Militariza Chávez un aeropuerto regional : Ofensiva del mandatario contra el gobernador de Sucre": http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1068724"El Universal" de Méjico publica: "Muestran a Lugo documentos sobre víctimas de dictadura": http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/554636.html"La Nación" informa: "Uruguay: el Senado aprobó la despenalización del aborto: Con 17 votos a favor dio luz verde a la polémica ley; Tabaré Vázquez, férreo opositor, podría vetarla":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1068827"El País" de Madrid plantea: "China busca tener peso político y comercial en Latinoamérica: Pekín fija como prioridades la energía y los minerales": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/China/busca/tener/peso/politico/comercial/Latinoamerica/elpepuint/20081110elpepiint_6/Tes ESTADOS UNIDOS / CANADA"La Nación" publica: " Palin dijo que espera la ayuda de Dios para llegar a la Casa Blanca: La ex candidata republicana a vicepresidenta no descartó ser electa en 2012; "si hay una puerta abierta para mí, entonces entraré por esa puerta", expresó":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1068801"El País" de Madrid informa: ""Bush cuela una ayuda de 108.000 millones a los bancos. El presidente saliente aprobó sin publicitar una rebaja de impuestos que alivia la situación de las entidades": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/economia/Bush/cuela/ayuda/108000/millones/bancos/elpepueco/20081110elpepueco_6/Tes"El Tiempo" de Colombia anuncia: "Comandos de E.U. pueden atacar a Al Qaeda en cualquier país del mundo": http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/euycanada/home/comandos-de-eu-pueden-atacar-a-al-qaeda-en-cualquier-pais-del-mundo_4656193-1EUROPA"El País" de Madrid plantea: ""Alerta máxima" en la frontera de Melilla tras el nuevo intento de saltar la valla: Unos 150 inmigrantes han tratado de entrar en suelo español.- Es la quinta vez que sucede en el último mes": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/espana/Alerta/maxima/frontera/Melilla/nuevo/intento/saltar/valla/elpepuesp/20081110elpepunac_2/Tes"CNN" anuncia: "Police, migrants clash at border of Spanish enclave": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/europe/11/10/migrants.spain.melilla.ap/index.html"El País" de Madrid informa: "Turquía reafirma su diplomacia en una región conflictiva: Quiere demostrar que sus relaciones de buena vecindad y su vocación de potencia regional no merman ni su alianza con Washington ni su anhelo de ingresar en el club europeo": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Turquia/reafirma/diplomacia/region/conflictiva/elpepuint/20081110elpepuint_11/Tes"El País" de Madrid publica: "La UE retomará las negociaciones para un acuerdo estratégico con Rusia": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Turquia/reafirma/diplomacia/region/conflictiva/elpepuint/20081110elpepuint_11/Tes"MSNBC" informa: "Report: Russian accident sub intended for India: Navy was allegedly to lease brand-new nuclear ship that suffered 20 deaths": http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/27642888/"BBC" plantea: "Medvedev bid to extend presidency: Russian President Dmitry Medvedev has sent to parliament a bill that extends the presidential term to six years from the current four, the Kremlin says.":http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/7722460.stm"MSNBC" anuncia: "Brown to call for new global financial system: U.K. leader to push for update to Bretton Woods agreement at G20 summit":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/27640252/"Times": "Girl of 13 becomes youngest suicide bomber in day of carnage":http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/middle_east/article5126873.ece"Los Angeles Times" publica: "Britain's prime minister urges nations to tackle economy together: Gordon Brown calls for countries to boost the global economy, orchestrating stimulus packages and forging an international trade deal.": http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-brown12-2008nov12,0,3095277.story"El Universal" de México informa: "Recuerda Europa 90 aniversario de fin de la Primera Guerra Mundial: El presidente francés Nicolás Sarkozy y el príncipe Carlos de Gran Bretaña asistieron a la ceremonia en la ciudad nororiental de Douaumont, cerca del sitio de la Batalla de Verdún donde murieron 300 mil soldados": http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/554443.html Asia – Pacífico /Medio Oriente"El País" de Madrid plantea: "Al menos 28 muertos en un triple atentado en Bagdad: Cerca de 70 personas han resultado heridas a causa de dos coche bomba y un terrorista suicida": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/28/muertos/triple/atentado/Bagdad/elpepuint/20081110elpepuint_6/Tes"Time" informa: "Iraqi Soldier Kills 2 US Troops After Dispute":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1858492,00.html"MSNBC" publica: "Netanyahu: Peace talks will continue if elected: Israel's opposition leader backs away from hints he would abandon talks": http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/27644796/"MSNBC" informa: "China says no progress made at Tibet talks: Dalai Lama accused of using demands for autonomy to split the country": http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/27637812/"BBC" anuncia: "Detained Chen in Taiwan hospital: A court proceeding against Taiwan's former President Chen Shui-bian has been suspended after he asked to be taken to hospital.": http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/7721468.stm"Time" informa: "Taiwan Arrests Former President":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1858363,00.html"MSNBC" plantea: "Indonesia executes Bali bombers, fears revenge: 2002 attack left 202 dead, many of them foreign tourists":http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/27623145/"Time" analiza: "The Key to Afghanistan: India-Pakistan Peace":http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1857953,00.html AFRICA "CNN" publica: "Cholera spreads in Congo amid standoff": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/11/10/congo.fighting.cholera.ap/index.html"MSNBC" anuncia: "In Congo, drunken gunfire ruptures tense calm: Soldiers, rebels brawl as aid workers battle cholera among the displaced": http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/27637840/ "The Economist" analiza: "Congo: Murder, muddle and panic. As chaos and massacres overwhelm north-eastern Congo, diplomats and peacekeepers are struggling to get a grip": http://www.economist.com/world/mideast-africa/displaystory.cfm?story_id=12573363"CNN" plantea: "Singer, anti-apartheid icon Miriam Makeba dies": http://edition.cnn.com/2008/SHOWBIZ/Music/11/10/makeba.obit/index.html"BBC" anuncia: "UN cuts food rations in Zimbabwe: The UN food agency says it has had to start cutting rations to 4m people in Zimbabwe because of a lack of funds.": http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/7722631.stm"El País" de Madrid informa: "La UE aprueba la fuerza militar contra la piratería en Somalia: Entre ocho y diez barcos vigilarán el golfo de Adén con capacidad para utilizar la fuerza contra la piratería. -España contribuirá con dos barcos y un avión": http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/UE/aprueba/fuerza/militar/pirateria/Somalia/elpepuint/20081110elpepuint_8/Tes ECONOMÍA"The Economist" presenta el informe semanal: "Business this week":http://www.economist.com/business/displaystory.cfm?story_id=12573661"Le Monde" plantes: "AIG et Fannie Mae enregistrent des pertes colosales": http://www.lemonde.fr/economie/article/2008/11/10/aig-et-fannie-mae-enregistrent-des-pertes-colossales_1117093_3234.html#ens_id=863164"MSNBC" informa: "Wall Street ends lower after rally fizzles out: Traders turn pessimistic about China's stimulus plan aiding America": http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/3683270/"MSNBC" anuncia: "Oil settles near $62 on shaky stock markets: Weakening greenback could be luring investors to purchase crude": http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/12400801/"BBC" publica: "Shares fall on more economy fears: Global shares have fallen sharply on renewed concerns that the world economy faces an extended downturn.": http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/business/7723127.stm "China Daily" informa: "Europe markets follow Asia down on economic fears": http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2008-11/11/content_7195230.htm OTRAS NOTICIAS"El País" de Madrid anuncia: "Brasil e Italia analizan su posición ante el G20: Lula apuesta por recurrir "a menos analistas de mercado y a más analistas sociales" para crear un nuevo sistema económico": internacional http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Brasil/Italia/analizan/posicion/G20/elpepuint/20081110elpepuint_14/Tes"MSNBC" publica: "G20 urge government spending in face of crisis: They also say developing countries should have voice in decisions": http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/27630946/"MSNBC" informa: "Blueprints for Auschwitz camp uncovered: Plans, found in Berlin apartment, include drawing of gas chamber": http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/27648309/"BBC" analiza: "World recalls end of World War I": http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/in_depth/7721396.stm"La Nación" informa: "El mundo conmemora el fin de la Primera Guerra Mundial: Se cumplen 90 años del cese de fuego del gran conflicto bélico que tuvo alrededor de 20 millones de muertos; sentidos actos de Sarkozy, Bush y Obama":http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1068936"Los Angeles Times" anuncia: "NASA ends Phoenix mission on Mars: After not hearing from the power-drained spacecraft in a week, officials believe it has gone to sleep -- permanently -- after lasting nearly three months longer than expected": http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/nation/la-sci-phoenix11-2008nov11,0,3821977.story

 I am not sure that the past month's headaches and insomnia are due to the challenges of thinking about the Israel-Palestine conflict, but I am going to use that as my intro to this effort to think through this stuff.Usual caveats apply: I am not a political theorist or moral philosopher, I am not an expert on the conflict itself.  Oh, and I was raised Jewish and the education I got at Hebrew school did not adequately present the realities of the past.  I did take one Mideast politics course in college, and I did spend one week on an amazing and amazingly depressing tour of Israel and Palestine with a bunch of other academics four years ago.One of the conversations that disturbed me most this past week was when a rabbi I met on that trip     responded to my criticisms of Israel's attack upon the hospital.  He asked what is the right way to attack a group using a hospital as a shield (and as a trap), and my answer was simplistic: don't.  I get that he and some of my relatives feel as if there are unfair standards being applied to Israel.  And I absolutely get that anti-semitism is on the rise in the US, Canada, and Europe, although I wonder how much of this pro-Palestinian and how much of this opportunist far right folks using this moment (something to discuss another day).  But Israel is fucking up in a major way here, and I want to think through why I think that, and why it is legitimate to criticize Israel at this moment of crisis.  Oh, and one more caveat: Hamas is more evil.  It is bad to target the civilians of the adversary, but it is even worse to deliberately endanger one's own civilians.  Netanyahu has indirectly engaged Israelis by empowering Hamas and by diverting troops to protect expansionist (irredentist!) settlers, leaving communities close to Gaza essentially unguarded.  So, even as I criticize Israel, I am not apologizing for or supporting Hamas.  I want Hamas to be defeated, but in the right way.  More on that below.So, I am starting with first principles:Everyone is deserving of self-determination: Jews, Palestinians, Ukrainians, Taiwanese (oops), Quebecois, etc.  Violence is bad, so it should only be used proportionately.Just because someone did something in the past, such as mass bombing of cities, does not legitimate folks using the same strategy today.  The bible speaks of laws of war that we generally find abhorrent--there has been progress in our moral stances and also in our strategic understanding.  The best way to provide people with self-determination is democracy.  It is better, in my humble opinion, that infinite secession where every group has its own state, because the act of secession or partition will probably increase the grievances of some groups that are left behind. Quebec's separatism had a very small burst of violence largely because Quebecois could and did exert power via voting to get damn near everything they wanted. Not everything, but all the stuff that might have been worth fighting for.One state from sea to river with all Palestinians and all Jews sharing one state with heaps of religious and other rights .... would be cool, but, well, Jews want a Jewish state since bad things have happened in democracies where other groups have more votes.  Alternatively, a single state where Jews have rights and Palestinians don't is inherently problematic and wrong--the apartheid label feels icky but when you run a massive open-air prison with no end in sight, it is hard to think of it in any other way.  I have believed for quite some time that Israeli Jews faced a choice--Israel could remain a theocratic state or it remain a democracy, but not both.  Some of my relatives have said that the Arab countries should welcome the Palestinians.  The thing is: the Palestinians think they are a people, the Arab countries think the Palestinians are a people, and since nationalism is intersubjective, Jews can't wish away Palestinian identity.  However, Netanyahu can use the Israeli military to destroy many symbols that resonate with Palestinian identity, and that gets us to the g word.Threatening a second nabka, which would expel the Palestinians from the occupied territories would be ethnic cleansing.  If the Palestinians were to win and push the Jews out, that too would be ethnic cleansing.  And it would not be legitimate even if one considers all Jews to be settlers-colonizers.  We can't unwind history with heaps of bloodshed and call it justice.  Anyhow, I try to avoid using the word genocide because it is very fraught.  In the past, did Canadians practice genocide against its Indigenous peoples. Yeah.  Now?  I'd say no, as state policies are not aimed at reducing or eliminating these peoples, even if bad policies continue and are harmful.  But I can see why some folks may argue this and I probably need more info to take a clearer stance.Is Israel engaged in genocide right now?  It is using lots of violence to reduce the population of Palestinians in Gaza.  It is not proportionate, and it is not well aimed at achieving military objectives, two of the requirements for the just use of force. Israel is making Gaza uninhabitable. While Israel has not been all that strategic/deliberate--this is mostly about revenge since 10/7--the way force has been used is suggestive--to solve the Gaza problem by getting rid of the residents.  That has some echoes, doesn't it?So, the hospital: Hamas had some stuff based at the hospital?  Does that make it either a legitimate (morally speaking) or sound (strategically speaking) target?  No.  Most of the folks at the hospital had limited agency--they neither voted for Hamas nor had power to remove Hamas, nor much ability to leave.  So, one should not target many vulnerable civilians if the aim is to kill a few Palestinian leaders.  With that specific campaign over, we are learning that the Israelis never had the best intelligence about the threat posed by those in the hospital, which is now a trend--Israeli intelligence failure.  Would it be legitimate and smart to hit the hospital if it had a ticking weapon of mass destruction?  Sure.  Anything short of that?  Not so much.  The Hamas use of human shields is ... a TRAP!  And the Israelis walked right into it.  War is, as they say, politics by other means, and so the Israelis lost big time on the world stage by attacking a hospital  Their strategic communications about all of this has been awful.  International support matters for both sides, and Israel surrendered whatever moral authority and international support it gained on October 7th, much like the US gave up all of the goodwill from 9/11 by attacking Iraq.  Jews are upset because Hamas is not getting as much criticism, and that is for a few reasons.  One is that countries are siding with the Arab world due to strategy or convenience or cheap oil or whatever.  Another is that Hamas being evil is baked in.  It has been held to a lower standard because it is a terrorist group.  Palestinians in Europe and North America support Hamas and cheer on Israeli defeats, including, alas, the attacks on kids.  Jews in Israel and elsewhere are cheering on violence against Palestinians.  Both are wrong--both because the people of both sides deserve human dignity and because the attacks are not going to achieve anything.  We hold Israel to a higher standard because it is a democracy and it is the more powerful side, which means, yes, it has more responsibility.One of the ingredients of just war is whether an attack is actually going to accomplish something.  If you repeatedly use violence with little expectation of changing the situation, that is morally problematic--revenge, for instance, is not a legitimate justification for the use of violence. If some violence can avert more violence and end a conflict, then it is more just (and more sound from a tactical or strategic standpoint).  Ukraine has a morally superior position for continuing the war because Russia has abused those who have been on their side of the lines.  Violence, targeted at Russian troops and Russian military assets, is legitimate and also strategically sound.  Russian attacks on Ukrainian hospitals and other civilian locations is not.  And no, I am not saying Russia and Israel are morally equivalent... but I am saying that Israel's actions are positioning Israel closer to Russia.  And who would want that?  During the insurgencies of the 2000's, scholars and American military folks came to the same conclusion, more or less: that the best way to win (or at least not lose) a counter-insurgency effort is to minimize civilian casualties.  These casualties would undermine the war effort--not just by creating more insurgents--the family and friends of those killed-but also by undermining the legitimacy of the Irag and Afghan governments.  So, a policy of "courageous restraint" was enunciated, although I am not sure how well it was observed.  The basic idea is that if you want to attack a certain military leader or target, and there  are a bunch of kids or other non-combatants present, you wait for a better time.  Indeed, our rules of engagement for air attacks often lead to hitting targets at night when buildings are not as occupied.The point here is that there are ways to deal with a hospital that may have some "bad guys" in it.  Leveling it is not one of them.   Which leads to the question of a cease-fire.  I don't always support cease-fires (I am clearly not a pacifist), as it make give one side a big advantage.  In the case of Russia-Ukraine, a ceasefire with Russia on Ukrainian land would be bad because it would allow Russian to continue to abuse the Ukrainians and it would potentially create a semi-frozen conflict that limits Ukraine's ability to free its territory and enable Russia to fuck with Ukraine in a variety of ways.  In this case?  I think with so many civilians in harm's way, and with a cease-fire perhaps giving time for Israelis to think about what they are doing (like following Netanyahu), it might lead to a better, more humane outcome.  Would Hamas benefit from a cease-fire?  Probably, but so would Israel.  This all has avoided the big questions: what should Israel's objectives be?  Because you can't have a strategy unless you know what the goal is. If the objective is a one-state Israel with the occupied territories full of folks having no rights and no access to power, then buckle up for unending conflict.  Eradicating Hamas should not be an end to itself because removing one organization from the territories will not change the fundamental challenge of two peoples living in this area between river and sea. Removing the Palestinians from Gaza might be the objective now, and, if so, that is horrifying.Until October 7th, Israel focused on tactics to perpetuate the status quo: deterrence by punishment.  Or to put in pop culture terms, the strategy that Sean Connery told Kevin Costner in the Untouchables: they came with a knife, you come with a gun.  They send your guy to the hospital, you send their guy to the morgue.  I will always remember a conversation I had with a retired Israeli special ops general while our group was at the Golan Heights.  He was being critical of Obama for not hitting harder than the US got hit by various attacks.  That Israel's tactic was always to escalate a bit, to hit harder than have been hit.  And I basically asked: how has that worked to end the threat to Israel and stop the violence.  Maybe it was kind of working for Israel, but that ended on October 7th, when Hamas decided it was not just willing to take Israel's punishment for an attack that was far more aggressive and damaging to Israelis than previous ones, but actually eager for that punishment.  Deterrence only works if the costs of punishment are both credible and greater than the costs of the status quo.  To Hamas, they apparently felt the Abraham Accords and other moves were more threatening than getting shellacked by Israel.  Maybe their own domestic political game needed as much distraction as Netanyahu did/has.  Anyhow, it was a limited strategy since it was mostly kicking the can down the road and had episodes of violence priced in.  It may still be working with Hezbollah, but mostly because Hezbollah is in no shape to get into a war with Israel with Lebanon being such a mess (I am guessing here).  But the days of deterring Hamas are gone, so what now?Eradicating Hamas?  Not so easy.  Israel should be doing cost/benefit calculations of the various ways to attack Hamas, which would, yes, mean not attacking hospitals.  I think Israel's old strategy was and is the best option: after the Munich Olympics, Israel went out and targeted each person responsible for that attack and, as far as I recall, killed most of them.  Israel can do the same here with Hamas's leadership--they might miss a few, but better to miss a few awful Hamas leaders than to kill a lot of civilians.  This, of course, requires patience, which Netanyahu does not and cannot have, given the precarity of his political position.And this gets to the one of the key problems: Israelis have voted for various far right parties that have trapped Israel into more and more dangerous paths.  Making Israel more theocratic may be good for the Orthodox, but it is bad for the economy and for the political system.  Destroying the possibility of a two-state solution not only angers Palestinians but reduces bargaining options and exit strategies.  Putting corrupt, awful Netanyahu back into power again and again undermines Israel's democracy, its legitimacy, its military, and its security.  And ultimately its future.I am so angry and frustrated not because this is a hard situation, but because it didn't have to be this bad, it didn't have to be this way.  Netanyahu and the parties backing him have made things worse.  My anger towards Hamas is baked in--never democratic, always autocratic, always determined to wipe Israel from the map.  I never had any hope for that organization.  I had some hope for the Palestinian Authority until I visited Israel and got a better understanding of its limits.  But I had some hope that Israel would see the trap so visibly set in front of it and not hop into it so enthusiastically.  It is hard to kill one's way through a counter-insurgency, it is both wrong and counter-productive to kill so many civilians along the way.  As a scholar who used to study ethnic conflict, I understand that it is hard to end these kinds of disputes.  But I also understand that conflicts end, that violence is not inevitable--that it is a choice.  And as a scholar of civil-military relations, I am so glad I never studied Israel.I am not sure if any of this is coherent, but I am just trying to think through this situation.  Do I feel any better now that I have spewed my thoughts here?  Not really.   

Author's introductionThe article provides an overview of research about social movements targeting and activism within organizations, such as corporations, educational institutions, the military, and religious orders. I begin by discussing older research in the field, then turn to four key questions that social movements scholars tend to ask and present a summary of the answers that scholars focusing on social movements in organizations have provided: what factors prompt the development of social movements in organizations; who becomes involved in insider activism, and why are they willing to face the risks inherent in participation; what strategies and tactics are used by social movements in organizations, and what are the relative costs and benefits of different strategic and tactical choices; and when do social movements have impacts on organizations, and what kinds of impacts do they have? This field remains underdeveloped, and the article concludes with an overview of potential directions for future research in an area of growing concern as the world population exists more and more under and within the influence of organizations.Author recommendsEisenstein, Hester 1996. Inside Agitators: Australian Femocrats and the State. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press.Hester Eisenstein's detailed study of the movement of Australian feminists into the state government bureaucracy is one of the first studies in the current wave of research into insider activism. While her case involves governmental agencies rather than non‐state organizations, the research provides a useful overview of how outsider activists become insiders and how their strategic choices are affected by their location with respect to the organization. The research finds that the creation of women's divisions within the state bureaucracy gave women both a seat at the government table and a foothold for the development of an insider consciousness and ultimately insider activism.Katzenstein, Mary Fainsod 1998. Faithful and Fearless: Moving Feminist Protest inside the Church and Military. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Faithful and Fearless considers campaigns by feminist activists to improve the situation for women in the United States military and the Catholic Church. Katzenstein highlights the personal costs of insider activism, the strategic choices activists make, the particular strengths and vulnerabilities of insider activists, and the way that accountability shapes insider activism. Particularly important is her discussion of the ways that the military and the Church, while both institutions that have stressed obedience and compliance, foster distinctive forms of activism and protest. While women in the military use legal action and lobbying to support their cause, women in the Church tend to turn to what Katzenstein calls 'discursive activism' (writing, workshops, conferences, and discussions reflecting on the meaning of faith and justice in the Church), and these different strategies have important consequences for the different ways that the impacts of these activists have developed.Klein, Naomi 2000. No Logo: Taking Aim at the Brand Bullies. New York, NY: Picador.While Naomi Klein is a journalist rather than a social scientist, No Logo provides a useful overview of the anti‐globalization and anti‐corporate movements written as they were beginning to make a global impression. Eminently readable, this text is a way to highlight the difference between movements targeting organizations from within and without. Klein's main focus is on branding, and she traces the development of branding, the reduction of choice by multinational corporations, and the global movement of manufacturing jobs and concomitant labor issues. In the final section of the book, the part of most use to scholars and students of activism, Klein discusses anti‐globalization movements and other forms of activism targeting corporations from the outside.Meyerson, Debra E. 2001. Tempered Radicals: How People Use Difference to Inspire Change at Work. Boston, MA: Harvard Business School Press.'Tempered radicals' are individuals who have successful careers within and identify with the organizations they are part of, but who simultaneously occupy marginal spaces in relation to these organizations due to some aspect of their personal identities, politics, practices, or ideals. Meyerson's book, written from a management studies perspective, shows how tempered radicals can create change in the corporate environments in which they work and provides an overview of the non‐disruptive forms of resistance such activists use. She presents many case studies of individuals who have created change in their corporate environments through the use of such non‐disruptive strategies, and structures her book as a guide to engaging in corporate change.Raeburn, Nicole C. 2004. Changing Corporate America from the Inside Out: Lesbian and Gay Workplace Rights. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.Raeburn's work provides an excellent way to bridge the discussion of activism within organizations with the discussion of other forms of organizational change. Her research begins with the observation that while the US government has made little progress in extending civil rights to gay and lesbian people, over half of all Fortune 500 corporations offered family leave and domestic partner health coverage by the beginning of the 2000s (up from just three in 1990). She argues that employee activists organized to convince their corporate employers to offer domestic partnership benefits, non‐discrimination policies, and other LGBT workplace rights, and she builds on this analysis to show how changes that originate in a small number of organizations can spread across the organizational field.Rojas, Fabio 2007. From Black Power to Black Studies: How a Radical Social Movement Became an Academic Discipline. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press.Like Raeburn, Rojas's work shows the connection between insider activism and other processes of organizational change, such as foundation‐driven financial support and broad social change. His exploration of the emergence of black studies as an academic discipline in American higher education incorporates significant discussion of strategic choice and its effects on movement impacts. Rojas argues that black studies departments were able to emerge when they resonated with the culture of their college or university, particularly when they developed organizational structures that fit with institutional norms while still staying true to the movement itself. A particular strength of this book is its focus on the institutionalization of social movements and the ways in which institutionalization may actually be co‐evolution and compromise rather than cooptation.Scott, James C. 1990. Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Domination and the Arts of Resistance does not focus on insider activism, but in this book, James Scott meticulously documents how resistance can occur beneath the surface and out of sight. It expands the reader's understanding of how insider activists can begin to resist the policies and practices at work in their organizations before they are willing to face repression and other personal costs. Drawing on examples from literature and history around the world, Scott shows how the public expressions of domination and submission differ markedly from the mocking and other forms of resistance that occur backstage – what he calls a 'hidden transcript'.Online materials Social Movements and Culture: A Resource Site http://www.wsu.edu/~amerstu/smc/ Developed by the Department of American Studies at Washington State University, this site contains extensive bibliographies of texts, syllabi, and websites concerning social movements and activism. While the site does not primarily focus on social movements in organizations, it is a useful place to begin investigating social movement campaigns and contains links to the websites of many organizational activists. Confronting Companies Using Shareholder Power http://www.foe.org/international/shareholder/ This primer outlines the history of shareholder activism and provides a detailed overview of how to mount a shareholder campaign. Most useful for teaching purposes, it provides links to primary source documents from a variety of shareholder campaigns in the late 1990s which could serve as the basis for a variety of course projects. Campus Activism http://www.campusactivism.org/ This site provides a directory listing hundreds of activist groups on college campuses across the United States, as well as organizing resources, lists of events and campaigns, and a discussion forum. It would be a great starting place for organizing local participant‐observation projects. Net2 http://www.netsquared.org/ Net2 is a database of projects that utilize social web tools on behalf of both activist and not‐for‐profit groups. The projects highlighted here can provide ideas of Web 2.0 projects for classroom development as well as show the ways that covert or non‐disruptive activism is utilized by those seeking social change.Sample syllabus Week 1. Introduction to Organizations Scott, W. Richard. 2000. 'Institutional Theory and Organizations.' Pp. 21–46 in Institutions and Organizations. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Week 2. Introduction to Social Movements Della Porta, Donatella and Mario Diani. 2006. Social Movements: An Introduction. Malden, MA: Blackwell.Snow, David A., Sarah A. Soule, and Hanspeter Kriesi. 2004. 'Mapping the Terrain.' Pp. 3–16 in David A. Snow, Sarah A. Soule, and Hanspeter Kriesi, ed. The Blackwell Companion to Social Movements. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Week 3. Schools of Social Movement Theory McCarthy, John D. and Mayer N. Zald. 2002. 'The Enduring Vitality of the Resource Mobilization Theory of Social Movements.' Pp. 533–565 in Jonathan Turner, ed. Handbook of Sociological Theory. New York, NY: Plenum.Melucci, Alberto. 1994. 'A Strange Kind of Newness: What's "New" in New Social Movements?' Pp. 101–130 in Enrique Laraña, Hank Johnston and Joseph R. Gusfield, eds. New Social Movements: From Ideology to Identity. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press.Kriesi, Hanspeter. 2004. 'Political Context and Opportunity.' Pp. 67–90 in David A. Snow, Sarah A. Soule, and Hanspeter Kriesi, ed. The Blackwell Companion to Social Movements. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Week 4. Labor and the Labor Movement Fantasia, Rick and Kim Voss. 2004. Hard Work: Remaking the American Labor Movement. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Week 5. Social Movements Targeting Organizations from the Outside Klein, Naomi 2000. No Logo: Taking Aim at the Brand Bullies. New York, NY: Picador. Week 6. When and Why do Movements Emerge within Organizations? Santoro, Wayne A. and Gail M. McGuire. 1997. 'Social Movement Insiders: The Impact of Institutional Activists on Affirmative Action and Comparable Worth Policies.'Social Problems 44: 503–519.Katzenstein, Mary Fainsod. 1998. 'Protest Moves Inside Institutions.' Pp. 3–22 in Faithful and Fearless: Moving Feminist Protest inside the Church and Military. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.Van Dyke, Nella. 1998. 'Hotbeds of Activism: Locations of Student Protest.'Social Problems 45: 205–220. Week 7. Insider Activists Katzenstein, Mary Fainsod. 1998. 'Legalizing Protest.' Pp. 23–42 in Faithful and Fearless: Moving Feminist Protest inside the Church and Military. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.Meyerson, Debra E. and Maureen A. Scully. 1995. 'Tempered Radicalism and the Politics of Ambivalence and Change.'Organization Science 6: 585–600.Meyerson, Debra E. 2001. 'Tempered Radicals.' Pp. 1–34 in Tempered Radicals: How People Use Difference to Inspire Change at Work. Boston, MA: Harvard Business School Press. Week 8. Strategies and Tactics in Organizational Activism Rojas, Fabio. 2006. 'Social Movement Tactics, Organizational Change, and the Spread of African‐American Studies.'Social Forces 84: 2147–2166.Meyerson, Debra E. 2001. 'How Tempered Radicals Make a Difference.' Pp. 35–138 in Tempered Radicals: How People Use Difference to Inspire Change at Work. Boston, MA: Harvard Business School Press. Week 9. Discursive Activism Katzenstein, Mary Fainsod. 1998. 'Discursive Activism.' Pp. 107–131 in Faithful and Fearless: Moving Feminist Protest inside the Church and Military. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.Scott, James C. 1990. 'Behind the Official Story.' Pp. 1–16 in Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.Benford, Robert D. and David A. Snow. 2000. 'Framing Processes and Social Movements: An Overview and Assessment.'Annual Review of Sociology 26: 611–639. Week 10. Understanding Movement Impacts Amenta, Edwin and Michael P. Young. 1999. 'Making an Impact: Conceptual and Methodological Implications of the Collective Goods Criterion.' Pp. 22–41 in Marco Guigini, Doug McAdam, and Charles Tilly, ed. How Movements Matter: Theoretical and Comparative Studies on the Consequences of Social Movements, edited by Marco Guigini, Doug McAdam and Charles Tilly. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.Guigni, Marco. 1998. 'Was It Worth the Effort? The Outcomes and Consequences of Social Movements.'Annual Review of Sociology 24: 371–393.Earl, Jennifer. 2003. 'Tanks, Tear Gas, and Taxes: Toward a Theory of Movement Repression.'Sociological Theory 21: 45–68. Week 11. Impacts on Organizations Raeburn, Nicole C. 2004. Changing Corporate America from the Inside Out: Lesbian and Gay Workplace Rights. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.The remaining weeks are left open for studies of specific cases, student presentations, or coverage of research techniques in social movements. For a 10‐week trimester course, I would suggest combining weeks 2 and 3 and combining weeks 10 and 11. For those who wish to cover research techniques in social movements, the following selections are useful:Mahoney, James. 2003. 'Strategies for Causal Assessment in Comparative‐Historical Analysis,' pp. 337–371 in James Mahoney and Dietich Rueschemeyer, eds. Comparative Historical Analysis in the Social Sciences.Klandermans, Bert and Suzanne Staggenborg, eds. 2002. Methods of Social Movement Research. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.Hill, Michael. 1993. Archival Strategies and Techniques. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.Focus questions

What factors prompt the development of social movements in organizations?
Who becomes involved in insider activism, and why are they willing to face the risks inherent in participation?
What strategies and tactics are used by social movements in organizations, and what are the relative costs and benefits of different strategic and tactical choices?
When do social movements have impacts on organizations, and what kinds of impacts do they have?
How are social movements within organizations different from and similar to other types of social movements and from other types of organizational change?

Seminar/project idea Activism in the College/University Context: An Archival Research Project In this project, individual students or small groups of students investigate periods of activism in their own college or university. The project will introduce students to both the promise and the challenge of doing research on movements in the past, and it will help them to see the complexity of processes of change in an organization they are intimately familiar with. While the moments of activism in each college and university are different, some good places to start might be changes in general education requirements or the development of new majors or programs; the end of parietal rules governing cross‐sex visitation in dorms; changes in religious observance, including chapel regulations or religious affiliations; times of social turbulence outside of the college or university, such as the Civil Rights movement, anti‐war movements, or divestment campaigns related to apartheid in South Africa; efforts related to the admission of students of different sex or race from the original student body; and labor movement activity. Instructors may wish to consult with archivists and/or faculty members with a long history at the institution to draw up a list of possible topics in advance, or they may encourage students to locate their own topics. Students will then need to spend time in the archives to develop an understanding of the context of the activist campaign they are studying. Most campaigns will have received coverage in student newspapers and will be documented in the archives to some extent, but some projects may require interviews with activists or observers present at the time. Students will then prepare papers and/or presentations that rely on the theoretical ideas covered in the course to explain the emergence, strategic choices, and impacts of these change campaigns. Corporate Case Study Assignment In this assignment, students conduct a case study of an individual incidence of shareholder activism. Drawing on publicly available documents, such as those that can be located at foe.org, SEC filings, and court cases, students develop an analysis of what lead to movement emergence, how shareholders developed their strategies (including framing), and what factors influenced the eventual impact of the activism. Depending on the case, instructors may also encourage students to locate and interview key activists in the campaign. For graduate courses, final projects on different corporations might be created by individual students or small groups; for undergraduate courses, instructors might choose a single case and have all the students contribute to a joint analysis. This project would be particularly well suited to courses in business or management that take organizational change and insider activism as topics of inquiry.Note
* Correspondence address: Rhode Island College, Department of Sociology, 600 Mount Pleasant Avenue, Providence, RI 02908. E‐mail: marthur@ric.edu.

Authors' introductionAlthough Latinas/os have a long history in the United States and represent a growing percentage of the population, they remain largely invisible or stereotyped in popular images and discourses. Ahistoric, fragmented, and individual‐level perspectives often frame Latina/o migration, education, and activism and thus negatively influence public perceptions and policy. Fortunately, over the past 30 years, scholars in disciplines such as sociology, history, Chicana/o–Latina/o Studies, and Latin American Studies have done much to remedy these gaps and misperceptions. However, for a broad and inclusive approach to understanding the structures influencing Latina/o lives and communities, we believe that more work is needed to connect these scholarly developments which are often separated by academic divisions. Thus, we recommend the following materials that together offer a multidisciplinary and multifaceted framework that highlights the significance of global capitalism and white supremacy on Latina/o immigration, education, and activism. Key to this framework is a movement away from individual‐level arguments and assimilationist perspectives to an emphasis on US imperialism, economic exploitation, and schooling within capitalism. By broadening the frameworks for analysis and linking together the factors shaping Latina/o migration, education, and activism, we emphasize the systems of power and inequality that influence the lives of marginalized communities, without losing sight of the legacy of resistance in Latin America and the United States.Suggested textsTomas Almaguer, Racial Fault Lines: The Historical Origins of White Supremacy (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1994).Using primary and secondary sources, this book traces the distinct racialized experiences of Native Americans, Mexican Americans, African Americans, Asian Americans, and European Americans in late‐19th century California. Almaguer focuses on the material and ideological basis of group placement and delivers one of the few theoretical works on the factors shaping the multiracial hierarchy that characterizes the history of California.Antonia Darder, Reinventing Paulo Freire: A Pedagogy of Love (Boulder, CO: Westview, 2002).This engaging book roots contemporary schooling to global capitalism and racism. In it, Darder draws on the legacy of renowned Brazilian educator Paulo Freire to offer powerful reflections and examples from today's teachers who are practicing liberatory education in the struggle for social and economic justice.Gilbert G. Gonzalez, Chicano Education in the Era of Segregation (Philadelphia, PA: Balch Institute Press, 1990).This foundational book is devoted to the history of Chicana/o education and traces the roots of inequality in education from the early 1900s to Mendez v. Westminster, the landmark desegregation case in 1947. Gonzalez uses historical documents and dissertations to detail the historical relationships between capitalism, sociological theories, and school practices in reproducing a classed, raced, and gendered labor market. He placed particular attention on Americanization Programs, segregated schooling, vocational education, and the political economy. The book ends with an analysis of the role of parents, community, and various organizations in the eventual elimination of de jure segregation for Mexican American students in schools.Juan Gonzalez, Harvest of Empire: A History of Latinos in America (New York, NY: Penguin Books, 2001).Employing a hemispheric approach, journalist Juan Gonzalez analyzes the close connection between US imperial expansion and Latino/a migration. As part of the harvest of empire, Gonzalez examines migration from various countries, including Mexico, Puerto Rico, the Dominican Republic, and Cuba, focusing on the macro‐structural factors that have led to migration.'History and Critical Pedagogies: Transforming Consciousness, Classrooms, and Communities', Radical History Review, 102 (Fall 2008).This special journal issue explores how scholars and activists have used critical pedagogies to challenge unequal power relations in classrooms and communities. A number of articles provide concrete reflections and strategies such as drama‐based pedagogies, service‐learning, and community‐based projects. Interviews with scholars and activists demonstrate how praxis has the power to transform society and popular education employs an asset‐based approach to education.Pierrette Hondagneu‐Sotelo, Doméstica: Central Americans Cleaning and Caring in the Shadow of Affluence (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2001).This qualitative study focuses on the lives and experiences of domestic workers and the people who employ them. After beginning with an important overview of the historical, economic, and political context shaping Central American migration and the service industry, Hondagneu‐Sotelo provides an in‐depth and nuanced analysis of domestic work and employee‐employer relationships. She ends the book with crucial strategies for improving the occupation and examples of labor organizing among Los Angeles‐area domestic workers.Enrique C. Ochoa and Gilda L. Ochoa, eds., Latino Los Angeles: Transformations, Communities, and Activism (Tucson, AZ: University of Arizona Press, 2005).This collection of articles examines diverse Latina/o communities in the greater Los Angeles regions and their formations and activism in the context of global capitalism. The first section examines how migration is connected to macro factors including US foreign policy and capitalist restructuring. The second section explores community and identity (re)formation. The final section examines multiple forms of activism, with articles on the struggle for Chicana/o Studies at UCLA, Justice for Janitors, and labor and community alliances with day laborers.Suggested videos El Norte (1983)This now‐classic feature length film by Gregory Nava traces the harrowing experiences of a young brother and sister as they migrate from Guatemala to the United States. Along with capturing their trying experiences crossing multiple borders, the film also details the struggles they encounter as they try to adjust to the hardships of life in the United States, including their distinct gendered experiences. We recommend combining this film with a discussion of the increased border deaths accompanying the growing criminalization of immigrants and the militarization of the Guatemala–Mexico and the Mexico–United States borders. Fear and Learning at Hoover Elementary (1997)In this documentary, Director Laura Angelica Simon details the contemporary impact of anti‐immigration policies and debates on students and teachers at a Los Angeles elementary school. The documentary was made during the 1990s when California was in the midst of an economic recession and citizens were voting on Proposition 187, an initiative that sought to deny social services to undocumented immigrants. It is a powerful teaching tool that includes students' voices and experiences; however, we suggest combining the video with some historical background on US military, economic, and political involvement in Latin America. Viewers might also be encouraged to deconstruct some of the director's images, interview questions, and racially loaded language. Made in L.A. (Hecho in Los Angeles) (2007)This documentary follows the lives of three inspiring Latina garment workers originally from Mexico and El Salvador and their participation in the 3‐year struggle for labor rights. In the process of organizing through the Garment Worker Center for basic labor protections from the trendy clothing retailer Forever 21, the women become increasingly empowered – resulting in one who separates from her husband and another who becomes an organizer. Woven throughout their narratives are the historical struggle of garment workers, the role of nation‐states in dividing families, and the power of coalition building. Salt of the Earth (1954)This feature‐length move is based on an actual labor struggle of the era. It examines the intersections of class, race/ethnicity, and gender as a primarily Mexicana/o community goes on strike and struggles with historic patriarchy to unify against the large mining company that dominates their lives. The movie deals with the legacy of US conquest of the Southwest and capitalist expansion in the region, while showing how communities have struggled to challenge inequalities. Salt of the Earth was made by artists shunned during the McCarthy era and the movie was not played widely in the United States. Much of the cast were not professional actors but were workers and union activists involved in the strike. Taking Back the Schools (1996)This documentary focuses on the 1968 Chicana/o School Blowouts where over 10,000 East Los Angeles students walked out of their high schools demanding bilingual‐bicultural education, more Mexican American teachers, relevant curriculum, accurate textbooks, and the end of curriculum tracking and prejudiced teachers who steered Mexican Americans into vocational classes. It uses original footage from the walkouts and contemporary interviews with the student organizers. It also highlights the precursors to the walkouts such as a history of Spanish language repression and de jure and de facto segregation in schools. Voces inocentes/Innocent Voices (2005)Set in 1980s El Salvador, the movie follows the life of a young boy during the Civil War. It deals with the impacts of war and US intervention on youth.Suggested websites David Bacon, 'Uprooted and Criminalized: The Impact of Free Market on Migrants,'Backgrounder The Oakland Institute (Autumn 2008) http://www.oaklandinstitute.org/pdfs/backgrounder_uprooted.pdf Renowned journalist and activist David Bacon provides a lively analysis of the link between free trade policies and migration. Drawing on his years of activism and journalism, Bacon underscores the human toll of free trade and migration while laying bare the system that undergirds it. Several powerful photographs complement the report. In Motion Magazine‐Education Rights Section http://www.inmotionmagazine.com/er.html In Motion Magazine is a multicultural progressive on‐line magazine dealing with democracy. Harvard education professor Pedro Noguera co‐edits the Education Rights section to provide 'a forum for activists, educators, parents and students who are searching for alternative ideas to the challenges confronting education today.' Mexican Labor News and Analysis (MLNA) http://www.ueinternational.org/Mexico_info/mlna.php MLNA publishes the latest news on labor and social justice issues in Mexico. It emphasizes labor and working class struggles and does an excellent job of tracking strikes, demonstrations, and demands for social justice. MLNA is published in conjunction with the Authentic Labor Front in Mexico and the United Electrical Workers in the United States. ICED (I Can End Deportation) http://www.icedgame.com This an educational game deals with combating deportation. It focuses on several New York City youth and their struggles. Players must answer a series of questions on immigration and avoid ICE agents. Background lesson material is provided and is aligned with the New York State Standards. Rethinking Schools http://www.rethinkingschools.org/ Rethinking Schools is a monthly publication committed to educational equality and the vision of the public school as foundational in a democratic society. Articles are published by teachers, activists, parents, and students on a wide range of issues affecting schools. In addition to the monthly magazine, it publishes a broad range of progressive educational materials dealing with educating working class students of color.Sample syllabusMost general courses should include materials on Latinas/os especially given the historical presence and the contemporary growth of the population. For example, the following sections, topics, and reading could be incorporated into any of the following courses: Introduction to Sociology, Sociology of (Im)Migration, Sociology of Education, Race and Ethnicity, Social Movements, and Chicanas/os‐Latinas/os in the United States.Section 1: Chicana/o‐Latina/o Identities in the U.S.Topics: Latina/o Heterogeneity; Pan‐ethnicity; Identity Formation; Multiple Identities; Racial FormationReadings:Aurora Levins Morales, 'Child of the Americas,' in Race, Class, and Gender in the United States, ed. Paula Rothenberg (New York, NY: St. Martin's Press 2001), 660–661.Pat Mora, 'Legal Alien' in Making Face, Making Soul, Haciendo Caras: Creative and Critical Perspectives by Feminists of Color, ed. Gloria Anzaldúa (San Francisco, CA: Aunt Lute Foundation, 1990), p. 376.Martha E. Gimenez, 'Latino/Hispanic – Who Needs a Name?' in Latinos and Education: A Critical Reader, eds. Antonia Darder, Rodolofo D. Torres, and Henry Gutiérrez (New York, NY: Routledge, 1997), 225–238.Gilda L. Ochoa, ' "This is Who I Am": Negotiating Racial/Ethnic Constructions' in Becoming Neighbors in a Mexican American Community: Power, Conflict, and Solidarity (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2004), 70–97.Anulkah Thomas, 'Black Face, Latin Looks: Racial‐Ethnic Identity among Afro‐Latinos in the Los Angeles Region' in Latino Los Angeles: Transformations, Communities, and Activism (Tucson, AZ: University of Arizona Press, 2005), 197–221.Bernadete Beserra, 'Negotiating Latinidade in Los Angeles: The Case of Brazilian Immigrants' in Latino Los Angeles: Transformations, Communities, and Activism (Tucson, AZ: University of Arizona Press, 2005), 178–196.Cherrie Moraga, 'La Güera' in Loving in the War Years (Boston, MA: South End Press, 1983), 50–59.Nicholas De Genova and Ana Y. Ramos‐Zayas, Latino Crossings: Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, and the Politics of Race and Citizenship (New York, NY: Routledge, 2003).Section 2: Theorizing and (De)Constructing Popular Conceptions of Latinas/os and Latin AmericaTopics: White Supremacy; Manifest Destiny; The Social Construction of Race; Dominant Conceptions of Immigration; Linking Migration, Education, and ActivismReadings:Tomás Almaguer, Racial Fault Lines: The Historical Origins of White Supremacy (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1994).Clara E. Rodríguez, Changing Race: Latinos, the Census, and the History of Ethnicity in the United States (New York, NY: New York University Press, 2000).Leo R. Chavez, Covering Immigration: Popular Images and the Politics of the Nation (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2001).Gilda L. Ochoa and Enrique C. Ochoa, 'Framing Latina/o Immigration, Education, and Activism', Sociology Compass. 1/2 (2007), 701–719.Section 3: US Imperialism and Capitalist Expansion in Latin AmericaReadings:Gilbert G. Gonzalez, Culture of Empire: American Writers, Mexico, Mexican Immigrants (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2003).Laura Briggs, Reproducing Empire: Race, Sex, and Science and U.S. Imperialism in Puerto Rico (Berkeley, CA: UC Press, 2002).Robert G. Williams, Export Agriculture and the Crisis in Central America (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1988).Juan Gonzalez, Harvest of Empire: A History of Latinos in America (New York, NY: Penguin Books, 2001).Greg Grandin, Empire's Workshop: Latin America, The United States, and the Rise of the New Imperialism (New York, NY: Metropolitan Books, 2006).Walter LaFeber, Inevitable Revolutions: The U.S. in Central America (New York, NY: W.W. Norton, 1993).Héctor Tober, Tattooed Soldier (New York, NY: Penguin Books, 2000).Judith Adler Hellman, Mexican Lives (New York, NY: The New Press, 1995).David Bacon, Illegal People: How Globalization Creates Migration and Criminalizes Immigrants (Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 2007).Video: Voces inocentes/Innocent Voices (2005)Section 4: Politics, Economics, and Latin American Migration to the U.S.Topics: The 'Revolving Door Strategy;' Economic Restructuring; Transnational Ties; Gender and Migration; Undocumented MigrationReadings:Saskia Sassen, Globalization and Its Discontents: Essays on the New Mobility of People and Money (New York, NY: New York University Press, 1998).Maria Cristina García, Seeking Refuge: Central American Migration to Mexico, the United States, and Canada (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2006).Jonathan Fox and Gaspar Rivera‐Salgado. Indigenous Mexican Migrants in the United States (San Diego, CA: Center for Comparative Immigration Studies, 2004).Joseph Nevins, Dying to Live: A Story of U.S. Immigration in an Age of Global Apartheid (San Francisco, CA: City Lights Publishers, 2008).Robert Courtney Smith, Mexican New York: Transnational Lives of New Immigrants (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2006).Cecilia Menjívar, Fragmented Ties: Salvadoran Immigrant Networks in America (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2000).Pierrette Hondagneu‐Sotelo, Doméstica: Central Americans Cleaning and Caring in the Shadow of Affluence (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2001).Leon Fink, The Maya of Morgantown: Work and Community in the New South (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2003).Gloria González‐Lopez, Erotic Journeys: Mexican Immigrants and their Sex Lives (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2005).Video: El Norte (1983)Section 5: Latinas/os and Education: Schools as Reproducers of InequalityTopics: Americanization Programs; De Jure and De Facto Segregation; Curriculum Tracking; Education and Globalization; Raced and Gendered Experiences; Undocumented YouthReadings:Gilbert G. Gonzalez, Chicano Education in the Era of Segregation (Philadelphia, PA: Balch Institute Press, 1990).Antonia Darder, Reinventing Paulo Freire: A Pedagogy of Love (Boulder, CO: Westview, 2002).Michael W. Apple, Educating the 'Right' Way: Markets, Standards, God, and Inequality (New York, NY: Routledge Falmer, 2001).Gilda G. Ochoa, Learning from Latino Teachers (San Francisco, CA: Jossey‐Bass Publishers, 2007).Angela Valenzuela, Subtractive Schooling: U.S.‐Mexican Youth and the Politics of Caring (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1999).Nancy Lopez, Hopeful Girls, Troubled Boys: Race and Gender Disparity in Urban Education (New York, NY: Routledge, 2003).Gabriela Madera, Angelo A. Mathay, Armin M. Najafi, et al. Underground Undergrads: UCLA Undocumented Immigrant Students Speak Out (Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Center for Labor Research and Education, 2008).Videos:The Lemon Grove Incident (1986)Mendez v. Westminster (2004)Taking Back the Schools (1996)Fear and Learning at Hoover Elementary (1997)Section 6: Latina/o Resistance and ActivismTopics: Responses to U.S. Imperialism; union and grassroots activism; school integration; cross‐border organizingWillia V. Flores and Rina Benmayor, Latino Cultural Citizenship: Claiming Identity, Space, and Rights (Boston, MA: Beacon, 1997).Mary Pardo, Mexican American Women Activists: Identity and Resistance in Two Los Angeles Communities (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1998).Ruth Milkman, L.A. Story: Immigrant Workers and the Future of the Labor Movement (New York, NY: Russell Sage Foundation, 2006).Milagros Peña, Latina Activists Across Borders: Women's Grassroots Organizing in Mexico and Texas (Duke University Press, 2007).Guadalupe San Miguel Jr., Brown, Not White: School Integration and the Chicano Movement in Houston (College Station, TX: Texas A.M. Press, 2001).Kara Zugman, 'Autonomy in a Poetic Voice: Zapatistas and Politics Organizing in Los Angeles', Latino Studies. 3 (2005): 325–46.Videos:Salt of the Earth (1954)Bread and Roses (2000)Made in L.A. (2007)Focus questionsWhat are the dominant images of Latina/o migration, education, and activism? From where do these images emerge? Why do they exist? Who benefits from them? How have they changed over time? What are their impacts? How are these images being challenged?What connections can be made between Latina/o migration, education, and activism? What theoretical frameworks can be used to understand each one individually and the three of them collectively? What are the relationships between Latina/o migration, education, and activism?Discuss the value of adopting a historical, economic, and political framework of Latina/o migration, education, and activism. Assess the value of applying a similar framework to other contemporary topics.Compare and contrast the similarities and differences that exist among Latinas/os in the United States.How does centering the history and experiences of Latinas/os enhance your understanding of race/ethnicity, class, and gender?Looking toward the future, what do you think will be the state of Latina/o migration, education, and activism in the next ten years? What led you to these hypotheses? What do you need to know to address this question? What do you hope will be the state of Latina/o migration, education, and activism in the next 10 years? Why? How does your desire compare with the desires conveyed in the videos or readings? What might account for these shared or different hopes?Note
* Correspondence address: Pomona College. Email: glo04747@pomona.edu

A priori, buscamos descrever brevemente o contexto político-social e econômico brasileiro em que a obra a ser resenhada foi pensada e redigida, a fim de qualificar e destacar a importância deste trabalho enquanto referência atual, efetiva e fundamental ao enriquecimento dos diálogos acadêmicos daqueles pensadores que se preocupam em adotar uma postura epistemológica crítica com relação ao panorama observado e vivido no Brasil. Para tanto, compreendemos que, enquanto ordem e regime social simbólico e pragmático, o fascismo pode coexistir com o a democracia - quando este último termo é desconstruído e desconectado de sua base epistemológica - e, além disso, é apropriado pelos agentes das políticas liberais. Desta feita, em vez sacrificar e prostrar a democracia aos interesses e exigências do capitalismo global de maneira objetiva, este conceito é trivializado e subjugado diuturnamente - nas esferas políticas, na mídia e, até mesmo, na academia -, até o ponto em que este não se faz mais socialmente necessário e/ou compreensível em sua plenitude e, por fim, acaba sendo convertida exclusivamente aos desígnios do mainstream. Assim sendo, adentramos em um período histórico em que as sociedades podem ser híbridas, ou seja: politicamente democráticas (forma) e socialmente fascistas (conteúdo), frente às demandas e especificidades do mercado e seus operadores (SANTOS e MENEZES, 2009). Tal qual ocorre no Brasil contemporaneamente (TIBURI, 2015; SEVERIANO e DÓRIA, 2015). De fronte ao cenário supracitado, a obra intitulada: "A tolice da inteligência brasileira - ou como o País se deixa manipular pela elite" (272 págs.), teve sua primeira edição publicada pela Editora Leya, em 2015 e, fora escrita pelo professor e pesquisador: Jessé José Freire de Souza (Universidade Federal Fluminense). Este que possui graduação em Direito; mestrado e doutorado em Sociologia; três pós-doutorados e uma livre docência; escreveu e organizou 23 livros e mais de 100 artigos e capítulos de livros em diversas línguas, sobre temas diretamente ligados as áreas da teoria social, pensamento social brasileiro e estudos teórico/empíricos acerca da desigualdade das classes sociais no Brasil contemporâneo - e, que até o momento da ascensão e institucionalização do "novo governo" -, ocupava o cargo de Presidente do Ipea: Instituo de Pesquisa Econômica Aplicada. Com este livro organizado em quatro partes e dezesseis capítulos - para além do prefácio -, a partir de um encadeamento escalar e cronológico impecável, Souza (2015), descreve, examina e conforma ideias e argumentos críticos que podem nos explicar a partir de uma abordagem teórica e histórica, as reais contradições que envolvem o Brasil e, de que forma classes sociais inteiras são feitas de tolas para que a reprodução de privilégios injustos sejam mantidos inalterados na condução dos rumos do Estado, suas instituições e suas das dinâmicas política, social e econômica, em proveito das elites - políticas e econômicas - instauradas no País. No prefácio da obra, o próprio autor desnuda os traços simbólicos e pragmáticos que a sociedade brasileira enfrenta ao longo da vida de maneira acrítica e compassiva, demostrando como se fundamentam e se alastram - de maneira livre - a ideologia e os interesses dos mais ricos do Brasil (1%), em detrimento da exploração do trabalho do restante da população (os 99% restantes). E, além disso, como o domínio das estruturas de poder, da informação e da inteligência, monopolizaram os recursos que deveriam ser de todos e, por conseguinte, abrem caminho para o empreendimento de uma violência simbólica, que permite a edificação de uma das sociedades mais desiguais e perversas do planeta (SOUZA, 2015). Já na primeira parte do livro, em seis capítulos, Souza (2015), disserta acerca da construção e fundamentação do ideário social brasileiro por parte de expoentes da História, da Antropologia e da Sociologia nacional, tais como: Gilberto Freyre, Roberto DaMatta, Sérgio Buarque de Hollanda e Raymundo Faoro - dentre outros -, questionando academicamente, de maneira clara e objetiva, quais são os contextos e os objetivos inconfessáveis dos referidos autores em erigir e, difundir reflexões pseudocríticas em que a sociedade brasileira é retratada por meio de argumentos ardilosos, em que há uma sistemática repetição das banalidades e axiomas de um senso comum permeado de preconceitos arraigados ao patrimonialismo historicamente vigente no controle do Estado brasileiro. Elucidando esta exposição, é impreterível se utilizar do próprio vocábulo de Souza (2015, p. 90): Nosso liberalismo hegemônico, na esfera pública, na grande imprensa conservador e, em boa parte do debate acadêmico é, certamente, uma das intepretações liberais mais mesquinhas, redutoras e superficiais que existe em escala planetária. Se fossemos completamente sinceros, teríamos de dizer que essa interpretação nada mais é, hoje em dia, que pura "violência simbólica", sem nenhum aporte interpretativo efetivo e sem qualquer compromisso, seja com a verdade, seja com a dor e o sofrimento que ainda marcam, de modo insofismável, a maior parte da população brasileira. Também nesta parte do livro, Souza (2015), discute com seriedade, quais são as bases teórico-metodológicas e, além disso, quais são as perspectivas políticas, ideológicas e epistemológicas dos referidos autores - liberais conservadores -, acerca da formação e da organização da sociedade brasileira. Estabelecendo valorosos argumentos que situam nossas realidades antropológicas, institucionais e econômicas a mesma altura de qualquer outra sociedade humana e/ou país - tanto em pontos positivos, quanto em negativos. Reforçando suas ponderações sobre o quadro supracitado, mas, especificamente sobre a conjuntura atual no Brasil, Souza (2015, p. 11) indica que: Daí ser fundamental compreender como intelectuais e especialistas distorcem o mundo para tornar todo tipo de privilégio injusto em privilégio merecido (...). (...) Não basta aos endinheirados controlar todos os grandes jornais e redes de TV para legitimar seus próprios interesses. Hoje em dia esses interesses precisam ser justificados de modo que pareçam razoáveis a fim de convencer os que são feitos de tolos por essas falsas justificações. (...) criando uma ciência para seus interesses, como de fato construíram para o Brasil. Por conseguinte, na segunda parte do texto, em três matérias, Souza (2015), centra seus questionamentos e reflexões no aporte exclusivamente economicista da dimensão simbólica do capitalismo contemporâneo e, de que maneira esta abordagem se desdobra de maneira inequívoca, sobre o cotidiano da humanidade e - em especial -, dos brasileiros. Indicando como a partir desta perspectiva, todo comportamento individual/social passa a ser induzido e traduzido por meio de estímulos econômicos, tendo, deste modo, todas as qualidades humanas reduzidas ao potencial das quantidades de "coisas úteis" a serem consumidas. Nesse sentido, o autor do livro traça uma linha de pensamento em que desenvolve uma complexa narrativa em que observa e descreve como esta abordagem economicista - ao longo do tempo -, naturaliza as deformações, distorções e injustiças sociais que acometem o Brasil e como, por conseguinte, estas são secundarizadas nos discursos e nas práticas dos indivíduos, das instituições e dos governos. Criando e recriando um cenário de racismo de classe e, em igual medida, estabelecendo que todo mal - político, administrativo e econômico - é derivado da corrupção instalada - exclusivamente -, no Estado. Ignorando e negando as responsabilidades da classe burguesa e da iniciativa privada para formatação e reforço deste drástico panorama em que vivemos. Ainda no segundo segmento de seu livro, Souza (2015), traz consigo os argumentos e a construção teórica de Florestan Fernandes e, por sua vez, os questiona de maneira franca. Levantando dúvidas sobre a generalização e validade das ponderações e adágios feitos por Fernandes acerca das realidade e totalidade dos estigmas referentes e inerentes à sociedade brasileira. Por sua vez, na terceira fração de seu livro, em quatro tópicos, Souza (2015), discute como o alinhamento espontâneo a uma ideologia opressiva a diversidade brasileira, acaba por enviesar - até mesmo - as perspectivas e análises acadêmicas sobre a situação do Brasil. Visto como é grande a capacidade de dominação ideológica, os debates científicos passam a ser colonizados em seus próprios termos e conceitos, impedindo os pensadores de perceber as diferenças na estruturação dos argumentos sobre as análises e julgamentos do contexto social brasileiro. Além disso, o autor ainda descreve como esta perspectiva estreita afeta - em igual medida -, o cotidiano da população, uma vez que se estabelece uma forte influência e presença dos ideais capitalistas que fundamentam hierarquias valorativas e segregativas, a partir de mecanismos ocultos e opacos, que por fim, buscam ativamente estabelecer uma violência simbólica - naturalizada - no contato entre os extratos sociais, conformando um quadro de estamento socioeconômico e cultural internamente no País. Especificamente, em escala internacional, Souza (2015), indica que: apesar de não ser verdade. A compreensão, a construção e o reforço do status quo das sociedades avançadas e a submissão das periféricas, acabam por prosseguir sob a mesma lógica de dominação ideológica intrínseca as sociedades locais, uma vez que existe uma série de pressupostos não explicitados que acabam por viciar os exames sobre as estruturas e normas de funcionamento qualitativamente distintas em relação à formação - social, econômica, cultural, religiosa, etc. -, de cada Estado. Criando e reproduzindo perniciosos argumentos políticos, midiáticos e pseudocientíficos que baseiam e reforçam e perpetuam a condição econômica e moral de cada Estado - evidentemente, a partir de uma perspectiva exclusivamente Ocidental, Eurocêntrica e/ou em prol de países como os Estados Unidos, que subjugam e corroem as potencialidades de países de fora deste eixo, tais como o Brasil, por exemplo. Idealizando um cenário que passa a ser inatingível frente aos "oportunos" condicionantes e prerrogativas inatos a cada país, segundo este ponto de vista. Diante desta paisagem em tela, Souza (2015, p. 171), adverte: Essa dificuldade se reproduz na consideração apenas do aspecto "material" do capitalismo, que se expandiu praticamente para todas as partes do globo, e no amesquinhamento da dimensão simbólica à dimensão, quase sempre eivada de "violência simbólica", da "cultura nacional" ou do "mito nacional". Como a cultura nacional reflete, pelo menos em grande medida - com dizia com razão o Marx da ideologia alemã -, os interesses particulares das classes dominantes transformados em interesses de todo corpo social, estamos confrontando com a distorção da realidade quanto com sua fragmentação e redução ao elemento "material" na dimensão da comparação entre sociedades". Na quarta e derradeira parte desta obra, Souza (2015), estabelece suas reflexões acerca de três importantes tópicos: I) sobre a cegueira do debate brasileiro sobre as classes sociais e a pobreza do debate político; II) as manifestações de junho (2013) e a cegueira política das classes; III) o golpismo de ontem e de hoje: considerações sobre o momento atual. Sobre o item I, é relevante destacar que a união entre economicismo e culturalismo conservador turva a análise e plena compreensão sobre como se dá a estruturação social, que implica a consideração de capitais que não se restringem ao econômico, mas, sobretudo, a forma velada como as classes sociais são produzidas e reproduzidas historicamente no Brasil. Souza (2015, p. 236): (...) as classes do privilégio não dispõem apenas dos capitais adequados para vencer na disputa social por recursos escassos, possuem também a "crença em si mesmo", produto de uma autoconfiança de classe, tão necessária para enfrentar todas as inevitáveis intempéries (...) e, poder usufruir do "reconhecimento social" dos outros como algo tão natural quanto respirar. As classes populares, ao contrário, não dispõem de nenhum dos privilégios de nascimento das classes média e alta. A socialização familiar é muitas vezes disruptiva, a escola é pior e muitas vezes consegue incutir com sucesso insegurança na própria capacidade, os exemplos bem-sucedidos na família são muito mais escassos, quando existentes, quase todos necessitam trabalhar muito cedo e não dispõem de tempo para os estudos, o alcoolismo, fruto do desespero com a vida, ou o abuso sexual sistemático, são também "sobrerrepresentados" nas classes populares. E, por conseguinte, como esta situação avassaladora é ignorada sistematicamente pelas esferas políticas e, principalmente, pela mídia - que naturaliza estas pré-condições e, partem delas, para estabelecer suas interpretações e considerações -, ao longo do tempo, vão sendo apresentados casos de corrupção no Estado, crises de representação e no sistema político e, crises econômicas por conta do "descontrole" dos gastos do governo. Entretanto, em hipótese alguma, o problema de fundo é abordado de maneira clara e objetiva: o abismo socioeconômico dentre os estratos sociais do Brasil, com suas causas, suas consequências e, principalmente, sobre as formas de mitigação deste horizonte. A propósito do item II, Souza (2015), versa acerca da grande fraude encampada e reforçada pela mídia golpista com relação às manifestações de junho de 2013, em que a impressão a ser reforçada ao mundo todo, é a de que o Estado brasileiro é o vilão e a sociedade local - engajada, politizada, patriota e classe média/alta -, é o mocinho desta história de conto de fadas para adultos ingênuos e infantilizados. Entretanto, quem - por fim -, ganhou muito com as reivindicações que clamavam pelo fim da corrupção e pela mudança nos rumos da economia e política da nação, fora justamente às forças mais liberais conservadoras do País - justamente, o monstro a ser combatido. Com a propagação - via redes sociais da internet e, os chamados e apelos intermitentes da mídia - a instauração deste exercício de "democracia" e "participação popular", ao longo de todo território nacional, a classe média acabou por distorcer as demandas sociais legitimas e, garantiu na pauta de reivindicações das manifestações, a exclusividade de seus interesses - ocultando de maneira inconfessável -, seus privilégios injustos e excludentes. Desta forma, este segmento social privilegiado garante de sobremaneira uma boa imagem, reforçando seus direitos a obter prestígio, reconhecimento e melhores salários e, além disso, a culpar as vítimas, de um processo social que torna invisível a injustiça - a exploração, a miséria e o sofrimento diário -, como se fosse possível escolher esta condição de pobreza e humilhação. Souza (2015, p. 241), ainda completa sua reflexão indicando que: (...) o fato de que a dominação social no Brasil se enfeita de outros atributos que não existem em outros lugares. Aqui, afinal, é o País em que a classe média "tira onda" de revolucionária, de agente de mudança e de lutadora por um "Brasil melhor". Entretanto, o insucesso desta ardilosa campanha se deu com o resultado inegável das eleições presidenciais de 2014 - vencidas de maneira legítima e democrática pelo partido da situação. Todavia, este momento histórico, se consolidou como sendo o estopim da indignação das classes políticas conservadoras que lograram, inclusive, persuadir e contaminar parte importante das classes trabalhadoras ascendentes com seu discurso draconiano, incensadas pela mídia, que a cada dia apresentava um novo escândalo do "Petrolão", envolvendo - exclusivamente e seletivamente - agentes do governo. A solução, segundo os operadores e intelectuais do apartheid conservador, é o enlace lascivo aos desígnios do capital e do mercado, com efusivos elogios as práticas da gestão enxuta, do Estado mínimo, do superávit primário, da "racionalização" dos gastos públicos, etc. Este panorama aliado à ausência crônica de debates sérios sobre a realidade brasileira, seja na academia, nos espaços públicos, na esfera política ou na mídia, torna um País tão rico e diverso como é o Brasil, com sua grande população, em uma multidão de tolos manipulados e incapazes de perceber os quais são os perigos que os assolam. Essa é uma cegueira que condena milhares de pessoas a uma vida indigna e, em igual medida, sentencia toda sua sociedade a uma reflexão amesquinhada e a uma vida apequenada em todas as suas dimensões (SOUZA, 2015). Acerca do capítulo III, Souza (2015), anota suas reflexões críticas a respeito da edificação - pari passu - do impeachment (golpe), sofrido pela presidenta eleita democraticamente pela maioria dos cidadãos brasileiros votantes - ao seu segundo mandato consecutivo: Dilma Roussef. O autor ainda destaca que ao longo de todo ano de 2015 - e, parte de 2016 -, a presidenta, sua equipe de governo e figuras de prestigio e relevância política do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), tais como o ex-presidente: Luiz Inácio "Lula" da Silva, foram violentamente e covardemente agredidos pela mídia e pela oposição - historicamente -, territorializada no Congresso Nacional. Sob suas exclusivas responsabilidades, todo o cômputo relativo à corrupção da esfera política brasileira foram-lhes arbitrariamente atribuídas, sem qualquer oportunidade de defesa pública e/ou jurídica. Neste caso, para além da seletividade e parcialidade que todo este maligno processo fora retratado e conduzido, com a finalidade de denegrir a reputação e, principalmente, a ideologia do PT e, dos demais partidos de "esquerda" no Brasil. Ainda se logra - a todo custo - incinerar a imagem, a representatividade e o carisma de "Lula", de forma a inviabilizar sua candidatura - e, possível reeleição - nas próximas eleições presidenciais de 2018. Adicionalmente, Souza (2015), ainda destaca que, esta crise política criada e manipulada midiaticamente é mais uma comprovação empírica dos argumentos listados em seu livro: o tema da corrupção só pode ser utilizado para enganar e manipular a população, visto como sua definição e aplicação são arbitrárias, sendo utilizado de acordo com o interesse de quem o utiliza como forma de ataque. Nesse sentido, o "moralismo" relativo à classe média no Brasil sempre foi extremamente seletivo e antidemocrático ao mesmo tempo. Sua seletividade implica em ver o mal sempre fora de si e, nunca em suas ações cotidianas de exploração e, seu caráter antidemocrático ficou evidentemente estampado nas manifestações dos "coxinhas politizados" - ocorridas ao longo de 2015/16 -, em que a pauta de reivindicação refletia apenas uma virtude idealizada mas, que fora apresentada por meio de brados retumbantes como sendo uma vontade geral, que se erigia como "apoio popular" aos interesses das elites conservadoras do País - uma perspectiva reducionista do problema e, ainda por cima, uma ilusão autoritária que traveste de "ordem e progresso" uma caminhada acelerada em direção ao fascismo (SOUZA, 2015). Neste aspecto, a imprensa se estabeleceu como player fundamental, posto que legitimou e glorificou o assalto ao princípio basal da soberania do voto popular em um regime dito como sendo: democrático e representativo. De tal modo, Souza (2015, p 259), lembra que: O jogo da pseudodemocracia moderna brasileira se armou: aproveitando o moralismo de fachada dos setores médios, baseados no ressentimento contra os de cima (sempre corruptos, especialmente no Estado) e o ódio contra os de baixo, destinado a ser astuciosamente insuflado sempre que a imprensa, "neutra como o dinheiro", visse seus interesses na ordem para poucos de algum modo ameaçado. Todavia, em comparação com o golpe de 1964 e a instauração do regime militar no Brasil, poucos vêm - ou, preferem não ver - a similaridade. Uma vez que as discussões atuais estão presas à conjuntura, são pobres de referencial teórico metodológico e, sobretudo, se seguem sem qualquer perspectiva histórica. Entretanto, Souza (2015), observa que a única mutação realmente efetiva ocorrida neste processo contemporâneo em relação ao do passado próximo, é a figura instituída como sendo o bastião da moralidade, da ordem, da eficiência e do direito, do herói justiceiro que trabalha incansavelmente como guardião da ordem, para incorporar os anseios gerais da sociedade sobre o mal, perfazendo suas ações em um nível acima daqueles conquistados pelos agentes da esfera política contaminada do Brasil. Os candidatos perfeitos para ocupar o hiato deixado pelos militares - por conta de sua truculência e, em igual medida, dos atos de corrupção -, vêm ao mundo, derivado do aparato dos órgãos de controle do governo e do judiciário criados pela Constituição de 1988, tais como: Polícia Federal (PF); Ministério Público (MP); Tribunal de Contas da União ( TCU), que recrutam e abrigam seus quadros, prioritariamente, nas fileiras da classe média conservadora e moralista (SEVERIANO e DÓRIA, 2015; SOUZA, 2015). Em seu último parágrafo, Souza (2015, p. 261), reflete e considera que: Mudam-se as vestes e as fantasias, "moderniza-se" o golpe, substitui-se o argumento das armas pelo argumento "pseudo-jurídico", amplia-se a aparência de "neutralidade", sai de cena a baioneta e entra no palco da ópera bufa a toga arrogante e arcaica do operador jurídico, mas preserva-se o principal: quem continua mandando de verdade em toda a encenação do teatro de marionetes são os mesmo 1% que controlam a riqueza, o poder e instrumentalizam a informação a seu bel-prazer. Os outros 99% ou são manipulados diretamente, com a classe média "coxinha", ou assistem de longe, bestializados, a um espetáculo o qual, como sempre, vão ter que pagar sem participar do banquete. Por fim, esta é uma obra excepcional, que subsidia de sobremaneira a compreensão crítica da composição da sociedade brasileira e, em igual medida, descreve e analisa os fundamentos históricos e conceituais da atual crise política nacional - e, por conseguinte: o golpe. Por sua vez, este livro deve ser lido com avidez e estudado com atenção e, só posteriormente, colocado a descansar na estante, bem ao lado de importantes autores e pensadores - clássicos e contemporâneos -, desta classe literária (ciência social crítica) e opção epistemológica. E, cabe destacar que este livro versa sobre um cenário contemporâneo e, extremamente, tangível. Desta forma, as reflexões contidas nele podem e devem ser utilizadas como sendo fonte para reconstrução da realidade a partir de pensamentos e intervenções inteligentes e equilibradas no cenário brasileiro (SOUZA, 2015).

RAPE AND SHAME IN J.M. COETZEE'S DISGRACE Salman Muhiddin English Literature, Faculty of Languages and Arts, Surabaya State University salmanlatieff@gmail.com Drs. Much. Khoiri, M.Si English Department, Faculty of Languages and Arts, Surabaya State University much_choiri@yahoo.com Abstrak Pemerkosaan adalah setiap tindakan yang tidak diinginkan , manipulasi atau pemaksaan dalam bentuk aktivitas seksual. Tindakan pemerkosaan berdampak bagi pemerkosa dan korbannya. Dampaknya terhubung ke masalah psikologis , seperti kecemasan , depresi , dan gangguan mental lainnya serta perilaku moral yang bermasalah. Skripsi ini difokuskan pada tindak perkosaan yang dialami oleh karakter dan bagaimana hal itu menyebabkan rasa malu dalam novel Disgrace karya JM Coetzee. Secara khusus, tujuan skripsi ini adalah untuk mendeskripsikan bagaimana gambaran perkosaan yang dialami oleh karakter dan untuk mengungkapkan bagaimana perkosaan itu menyebabkan rasa malu dalam novel Disgrace karya J.M. Coetzee. Dalam analisisnya, skripsi ini menggunakan beberapa proses analisis , yaitu: (1) mengklasifikasikan kutipan-kutipan yang sejalan dengan masalah laporan, (2) menggambarkan tindakan perkosaan yang telah dialami oleh karakter, (3) mengungkapkan bagaimana pemerkosaan menyebabkan malu. Hasil analisis menunjukkan bahwa ada tiga macam pemerkosaan yang digambarkan dalam cerita. Pemerkosaan pertama terjadi antara David dan pekerja seks bernama Soraya. Pemerkosaan kedua terjadi antara David dan muridnya, Melanie. Yang ketiga dialami oleh putri David, Lucy. Setelah pemerkosaan itu, pelaku dan korban perkosaan merasa malu. David sebagai pemerkosa mendapatkan aib dan tekanan publik dari komite universitas dan mahasiswanya. Dia kemudian meminta maaf kepada keluarga Melanie. Sedangkan korban akan merasa malu untuk tampil di publik karena mereka takut aibnya terbongkar. Kata Kunci: Pemerkosaan, Malu, Aib Abstract Rape is any unwanted, manipulated or coerced forms of sexual activity. The act of rape has an impact to both the rapists and the rape survivors. The impact is connected to psychological problems, such as anxiety, depression, and other mental disorders as well as problematic moral behaviour. This study focuses on the characters' experience in raping and being raped, and how it leads to shame in J.M. Coetzee's Disgrace. In particular, the purpose of this study is to describe how rape is depicted by the characters and to reveal how the characters' rape leads to shame in J.M. Coetzee's Disgrace. In the analysis, this study does some processes of analysis, they are: (1) classifying the quotations which are in line with the problem of statements, (2) describing the rape that has been experienced by the characters, (3) revealing how rape leads to shame. The result of the analysis shows that there are three kinds of rape which is depicted in the story. The first rape is happened between David and the prostitute named Soraya. The second rape is between David and his student, Melanie. The third one is experienced by David's daughter, Lucy. After the rape, the rapist and the rape survivors get shame. David is getting disgrace and gets public pressure from the university committees and the students. He then ask for apologize to Melanie's family. While the rape survivors are getting shame after being raped. They are shame to make a public appearance because they are afraid of being discovered or found out by another person. Keywords: Rape, Shame, Disgrace INTRODUCTION The definition of rape varies state-to-state and can include anything from touching to actual penetration, but, generally, rape is any "unwanted, non-consensual, manipulated or coerced forms of sexual activity" (http://www.umich.edu). The act may be carried out by physical force,coercion, abuse of authority or against a person who is incapable of valid consent, such as one who is unconscious, incapacitated, or below the legalage of consent.The termrapeis sometimes used interchangeably with the termsexual assault, and the term of violent change into rape survivor. The rape effects can include both physical trauma and psychological trauma. Rape will also lead to shame. The feeling is connected to psychological problems such as eating disorders, substance abuse, anxiety, depression, and other mental disorders as well as problematic moral behavior. The shame is also reformed from some culture that sees the rape victims are dirt. For example, a rape victim especially one who was previously a virgin, may be viewed by society as being damaged. According to Alliance, victims in these cultures may suffer isolation, be disowned by friends and family, be prohibited from marrying, and be divorced if already married, or even killed. This phenomenon is known as secondary victimization. Secondary victimization is the re-traumatization of the sexual assault, abuse, or rape victim through the responses of individuals and institutions. Rape also affects the rapist. If someone known as a rapist he will be the public enemy. The rapist may lose their dignity, job, and friends. Punishment for rape in most countries today is imprisonment. Thus he will get ashamed but the right term for rapist is disgrace. On the previous study Feminine Shame Masculine Disgrace, Nurka put little bit different from shame, "people with disgrace will automatically being shame. Disgrace is brought from without ('put to shame'), or is directed outward from its source ('a person who or thing which is the cause or source of disgrace')." (Nurka, 2012: 311). J.M. Coetzee is a South African writer born under the apartheid government. Coetzee is unveiling many fragile topics in South Africa from many of his books. He elegantly put the theme rape over the race to depict the social condition of 'New South Africa'. Rape of women by men has occurred throughout recorded history and across cultures. As the novel background, South Africa is often labeled the rape capital of the world. The prevalence of rape, and particularly multiple perpetrator rape, is unusually high. Coetzee puts the concept of rape and shame in novel 'Disgrace'. The narrative follows a white South African professor's, David Lurie, escape to his daughter's farm, after he raped his student, Melanie. The farm is soon attacked and robbed by three black men, and the daughter raped. As father and daughter piece together their strained relationship and individual lives, they must reconcile their positions in the "New South Africa," to Lucy, is gang-raped by three men on her smallholding in the Eastern Cape, but she chose to say nothing about what happened to her. She decided to take the shame on her own. While on David, he rents a room in Grahmstown to help his daughter at the market once a week and to dedicate himself to the disposal of the dogs' bodies at the shelter. He cannot back to Cape Town because he has nothing left there for his disgrace. The university had replaced him with another professor. Once he went to Melanie house bring up all his disgrace to ask for forgiving to her parents for what he did through Melanie and family. In accordance of background study above, it can be simplify to discuss among two problems that emerge as significant concern toward this novel. How rape is depicted by the characters in J.M. Coetzee's Disgrace? How the characters' rape leads to shame in J.M. Coetzee's Disgrace? To answer the first problem, this study uses the concept of rape. Rape is a multidetermined behaviour that will ultimately be explained only by models incorporating a multitude of dimensions." (Prenkty and Knight, 1991: 657). The dimensions that are possibly to explain rape are through feminist theory, evolutionary theory, self-controlled theory, narcissistic theory, and crime theory. (Lowell, 2010: 159-161). Those theories can be used to help explain how rape occurs. Feminist theorists explain that the culture of male dominance is responsible for rape occurring. On his book Rethinking Rape, Cahill simply delivered that feminist theorists assert that rape is only one symptom of the larger problem of a male dominated society. Feminist theorists see rape as more of a violent act than a sexual act, and claim that rape is inspired by political motivations to dominate and degrade. Feminist theorists also deny that rape has an individualistic nature, but claim that rape is "nothing more or less than a conscious process of intimidation by which all men keep all women in a state of fear" (Cahill, 2001:16). Self control theory can lead to a man committing rape against a female. It is based on the premise that the male sex drive is uncontrollable. Men with this belief say that their sexual urges cannot be controlled and they are not responsible for their actions. Proponents of this theory "[propose] both that men's sexual energy is difficult to control and that women have a key role in its loss of control," since women deny sex to men who have to relieve their sexual drive (Polaschek & Ward, 2002, p. 13). This theory can be tied to Gottfredson and Hirschi's low self-control theory. Low self-control theorists posit that, since criminal acts provide immediate gratification, criminals will engage in them because they are not able to defer gratification. A biological explanation of rape includes Thornhill and Palmer's evolutionary theory of rape .Proponents of this theory claim that those men who were able to force their sexual desires on women were able to reproduce more efficiently, and thus have more offspring with their traits. Thornhill and Palmer are "dismissive of rape theories that emphasize the role of culture and learning in the acquisition of rape-prone traits, arguing that culture is only possible because individuals have evolved capacities that enable them to learn" (Siegert & Ward, 2002:6). Another theory that can explain rape is the narcissistic reactance theory, which is also tied to Gottfredson and Hirschi's (1990) low self-control theory. In this theory, narcissists are defined as having a "lower proneness to shame and guilt," having "unrealistically positive self-evaluations," and being "especially likely to respond to bad evaluations by blaming other sources, including the evaluator and the technique of evaluation" (Baumeister et al., 2002: 3). These theorists claim that the, "tendency to respond to esteem threats by getting angry and blaming others may contribute to the elevated level of interpersonal difficulties that narcissists report" (Baumeister et al., 2002: 4). The second problem is using the concept of shame. Some victims of rape are feeling dirty, devalued, and humiliated as a result of a sexual assault. Feelings of shame are often related to the powerlessness and helplessness victims experience during a sexual assault. Shame may also be a reaction to being forced by the assailant to participate in the crime. Shame is the painful feeling of having done or experienced something dishonourable, improper and foolish. Shame is what prevents many survivors from speaking about what happened to them. Shame is an attack on the survivor as a person. It is the feeling you get when you are sure that someone will think poorly of you because you were assaulted. Shame is longer lasting, and ultimately more dangerous than guilt. The feeling of shame is so intense for rape victims that many of them never tell anyone what happened to them. Even in psychotherapeutic settings, victims of rape often avoid talking about what happened to them. (http://www.healthyplace.com/abuse/articles/guilt-and-shame-of-being-raped/, retrieve on: 15 April 2014). Shame is already bears the germ of guilt. Shame becomes guilt when the social norms are internalized as one's own feelings of value and when self-condemnation anticipates public exposure. This presupposes the development of a personal centre, with the beginning capacity to regard oneself as the originator of one's actions, to evaluate and feel responsible for them. In contrast to shame, guilt is no more bound to the immediate presence of the other; its impact is more lasting. The event one is to be blamed for sin in the past. Thus the present rejection of shame becomes the already executed expulsion of elementary guilt. Instead of being exposed to, and paralyzed by, the others' gazes, the culprit feels, as it were, already abandoned. (Thomas Fuchs, 2003: 8). RESEARCH METHOD Research method that used in this analysis here must be qualified as an applying in literary appreciation. The thesis is regarded as a descriptive-qualitative study and uses a library research. This study uses novel of J.M. Coetzee, entitled Disgrace that published by Vintage, Random House, 20 Vauxhall Bridge Road, London, Great Britain, 1999 as the main data of the study. The data are in the form of direct and indirect speech of the characters, dialogues, epilogues and quotations which indicate and represent aspect of rape by the characters that lead to shame. This thesis is using the library method in collecting the data. It does not use the statistic method. That is why it is not served in numbering or tables. Library research used an approach in analyzing this study. The kind of library research which is used here is intensive or closely reading to search quotations or phrases. It also used to analyze the literary elements both intrinsic and extrinsic. The references are taken from library and contributing ideas about this study from internet that support the idea of analyzing. The analysis is done by the following steps: (1) Classification based on the statement of the problems. This classification is used to avoid the broad discussion. There are two classifications in this study. They are the depiction of rape and how it leads to shame. (2) Describing David Lurie's and Lucy's rape which is stated from the quotations or statements. (3) Describing how the shame and disgrace they got which is stated from the quotations or statements. (4) Revealing the relations between rape and shame. The quotations that showed how the characters' rape leads to shame are taken as data. (5) Drawing the conclusion based on the analysis which is in line with the problems. ANALYSIS The first analysis is the depiction of rape. In Disgrace the rape parted in three different background and motif. The first rape is from David to Soraya the prostitute woman. David uses his financial advantages to buy woman for sex. After the relationship with Soraya ended David engage to a scandal with his Student Melanie. David admits that he misused his authority as a lecturer to have sex with his student. This depicts the condition of male domination particularly in South Africa. The last rape happened to David's' daughter, Lucy. She raped by three black African intruders. The rape of Lucy remains mystery for her silence to not tell the policemen about the incident. In his age of fifty two, and divorced, David proclaim that he has solved problem of sex rather well even without a wife. However, the reason of his 'solved problem of sex' for over one year is Soraya, a high-class prostitute girl from an escort service. She is a coloured woman that David has a historical interest. She has a honey brown body. She is tall and slim, with long black hair and dark, liquid eyes. Simply said this beautiful girl becomes his sources of happiness. "It surprises him that ninety minutes a week of a woman's company are enough to make him happy, who used to think he needed a wife, a home, a marriage" (Coetzee, 1999:5). David's ideal marriage is with a wife that is a prostitute, but for him only and only at certain times. He met Soraya only on Thursday. On the other day he is back to his normal life. With Soraya he already find the happiness he belief. It makes him thought; there is no need to search for another life destination such as home and real wife. It made David rely on prostitution in his sexual life. Prostitution as the solution allows him to fantasize that a woman mirrors his wishes. He bought sex he wanted and she got extra money from him. For David money is no problem concerning that he lived alone with his salary as a professor and lecturer. As a consequence, he paid double for her. At least his money is worthy for finds her entirely satisfactory. As a customer, David is on dilemma seeing this prostitution. He knows that every woman in the prostitution is perforce. Women in prostitution would leave if they could. The term is an indicator of their hopelessness. "They tell stories, they laugh, but they shudder too, as one shudders at a cockroach in a washbasin in the middle of the night" (Coetzee, 1999:8). In their mind, they see that women in prostitutes are disgusted with their customer, so does the customers. Soraya just pretended to keep their customer satisfied. Prostitutes sometimes talk of the feeling of power they experience when they are with their customer. They are talking about a feeling of control when engaged in sexual acts. They soon feel the disadvantages of that particular way of life. It also exposes the fragility of the illusion of control over what another subject wants. If a man wants a woman to want what he wants, he can only force her to pretend to want his desire and then he has also to deny that pretence. David then met Melanie, his student. He treats her under the wine and romantic music, the Mozart clarinet quintet. He made his move to seduce Melanie in some conversation. He talked about poetry, music, food, and his past life. Then, after he offered some liqueur, the higher alcoholic drink, he said directly to Melanie, asking her to do something reckless. He touch her and said "You're very lovely . Stay. Spend the night with me." (Coetzee, 1999: 16). Melanie refused his liquor but accept a shot of whisky in her coffee. She should say no at that time instead wonder and ask why. She trapped to this conversation: 'Why?' 'Because you ought to.' 'Why ought I to?' 'Why? Because a woman's beauty does not belong to her alone. It is part of the bounty she brings into the world. She has a duty to share it.' (Coetzee, 1999: 16) As a professor of language and communication, David, could easily manipulate the words, he says. The way he talked to Melanie reflects his experience through many women. "Smooth words, as old as seduction itself." (Coetzee, 1999: 16). He says it indirectly to make Melanie believes what he belief. He makes the statement so convincing and become hard to decline. Melanie herself was mistaken to ask more to David, because she did not know how to deal with him. Instead saying 'why', she should say 'no' to David when he asked her to stay. So she would not get in this complicated situation. Maybe she should already say 'no' when David asked her to come to his house. David was in a grip of something and he would not let it go. However, what is done is done. The next day David asked Melanie to go lunch. Again, Melanie cannot reject David offer. There is still time for her to tell a lie but she is too confused, and the moment passes. In the restaurant, they got an awkward situation because Melanie lost her appetite and there was a long silent. Then David asked to Melanie about what is on her mind: `Is something the matter? Do you want to tell me?' She shakes her head. `Are you worried about the two of us?' `Maybe,' she says. `No need. I'll take care. I won't let it go too far.' Too far. What is far, what is too far, in a matter like this? Is her too far the same as his too far? (Coetzee, 1999: 19) After the harassment from David a day before, Melanie must wonder about his plan. The women should worry about her safety. Because feminist, Cahill, agree that one of the rape purpose is to take women into state of fear, and it is he responsibility of masculinity and the construction of patriarchy. Men are possible to keep women as a fragile creature and need protection. Knowing that Melanie may feel bad about this situation, David guarantees that the thing would not go too far, he put Melanie to feel safe at least. This is another tactical seduction that is done by David. He manipulates the situation and manages it like there is nothing happen like everything is fine. It is not hard for him to do it concerning that Melanie was an easy target for him. The rapist always seeks the powerless people to be his target. Finally, they have sex for the first time. Even though, it is not the first time for both of them. David took Melanie to his house after getting lunch in the restaurant. They did it on the living room with rain sound pattering. Melanie is passive on the first time they have sex. While David finds the act of her passivity is so enjoyable. Melanie is passive like Soraya. She does not crawling, bite, and aggressive. She is his typical woman he was searching for. He was having sex with another whore after Soraya left him. But he did not like it because she is aggressive. So he never does it again with her. His desire was only on Melanie this time. It is stated in the novel that "She struck up a fire in me" (Coetzee, 1999: 166). Fire is a symbolization of energy that can stimulate one's desire. This fire heat up his libido that pushes him doing something undesired to the core. In the rape theory, David can be considered as narcissistic because he tend to be willing to do whatever it takes to achieve the goal that they want from a relationship, including rape. In this theory, narcissists are defined as having a lower proneness to shame and guilt, having unrealistically positive self-evaluations, and being especially likely to respond to bad evaluations by blaming other sources, including the evaluator and the technique of evaluation. Narcissistic suits David as a rapist. He has lower sense of shame, as teacher and student he took Melanie to go out lunch just the two of them. Considering that he is the famous person in the city, people will wonder what is he up to. In the restaurant he seduced her and ask her to do something wild. He is implying that she has to have sex with him. But the relationship become a scandal that makes him lost his job. After realizing that there's nothing left for him in Cape Town, David wanted to change the atmosphere. He moved to the east across the country to the rural town of Salem in the Eastern Cape, where his daughter Lucy lives alone on a smallholding, growing vegetables to sell at the Saturday market and running a kennel for dogs. David begins a new life there, helping Lucy at the market, assisting Lucy's neighbour Petrus with odd jobs as "I am the gardener and the dog-man" (Coetzee, 1999: 64), and volunteering at the Animal Welfare Clinic with Bev Shaw. Lucy is leftish which make her the reversal of her father. She even did not want call herself a boss by Petrus. She is not individualist but socialist. She helps people no matter who they are. But this time she made big mistake by risk herself to strangers. Lucy tells David to stay outside while she takes the tall man indoors to use the phone. The second man runs in to the house behind them and locks David out. In a total panic, David let go of the bulldog's strap and commanded the dog to go after the boy. Then he kicks down the kitchen door. David tried to save Lucy but he felt someone whack him over the head. He falls down, barely conscious, and feels himself being dragged across the floor. When he realize, he's locked in the bathroom and wondering what's going on with Lucy. The second man comes in to get the car keys from David and then locks him back in. Meanwhile, he looks out and sees the tall man with a rifle. The tall man starts shooting the dogs one by one, splattering brains and guts all over the place. And if that isn't bad enough, the second man and the boy come back in the bathroom, douse David with alcohol, and set him on fire, luckily just his hair catches burning and he extinguishes himself in the toilet. They leave, stealing David's car. David and Lucy are left to deal with everything that just happened. During this whole nightmare, Petrus is nowhere to be found. After being raped, Lucy decided to not report the rape to the police. The silent of Lucy depict the subjugation or conquest. "No I am not blaming you, that is not the point. But it is something new you are talking about. Slavery. They want you for their slave." (Coetzee, 1999: 159). Lucy response him and disagree with "Not slavery. Subjection. Subjugation." (Coetzee, 1999: 159). This makes Lucy as the rape survivor depend on men to get protection. The second analysis is about how rape leads to shame. In Disgrace the rape that experienced by the rapist and the rape survivor transform and effect their life worst then before. From the previous study Nurka classified the effect of rape by gender: (1) Female as the object will get shame, (2) men as the subject will take disgrace. (Nurka, 2012: 310). The male character, David Lurie, got disgrace after doing sexual harassment to his student, Melanie. As the rapist, David will be haunted by his sin and losing his reputation and his job. While Lucy, the rape survivor got shame after being raped. The act of rape means to take away by force which the dignity is to be taken. Loosing dignity makes woman feel shameful. It turns out that the act of rape is not only giving shame feeling to the victims but also to the rapist. Soraya knows about the attachment of shame for being prostitute. Then when she met David in the midtown, she was afraid if the public know who she is. This is because David is the famous person in Cape town. "He has always been a man of the city, at home amid a flux of bodies where Eros stalks and glances flash like arrows" (Coetzee, 1999: 6). Concerning that shame is social affect associated with being discovered or found out by another person, she knew that he is the famous person in the city. It is too risky to stay in public with him. There is a high possibility that her secret will spread. Then to keep her pride for her children Soraya decided to quit the job. She did not want her children knows their real mother is. So she decided to resign from the escort and disappeared from that business. David ought to end but he pays a detective to tracking Soraya instead. When he got the number he makes a call. Soraya surprise and wondering abot how he gets the numbers. She did not talk for a moment. She wondered because the agency has a rule about keeping the former prostitutes identity. After the silent she said "I don't know who you are,' she says. 'You are harassing me in my own house. I demand you will never phone me here again, never." (Coetzee, 1999: 10). After this moment he did not contact Soraya anymore. For Melanie, after she gets the coercive sexual by David, she becomes a different person in class. She even absent when it was on midterm test. Then she told her boyfriend that her professor have sex with her. The boyfriend then angry to him and vandalize his car, deflated the tires and injected a glue on both door. "After this coup de main Melanie keeps her distance. He is not surprised: if he has been shamed, she is shamed too." (Coetzee, 1999: 31). The gossip may be starting to spread so she tries to not meet him. But on Monday she reappears in class and beside her, leaning back in his seat, hands in pockets, with an air of cocky ease, is the boy in black, the boyfriend. The student in the class knew about what is going on from the gossip. They are clearly waiting to see what the professor will do about the intruder. Professor let the boyfriend intrude to the class but then he asked Melanie to come to the office and tell her to not let the boyfriend do that again. After that moment Melanie never come to the class anymore. Furthermore, after being ashamed she decided to give up her study in the university. Thus her father asked David to tell Melanie to not give up. At this moment, Melanie's father , Mr. Isaacs did not know that David is the causes of his daughter wanted to quit the university. As David thought "I am the worm in the apple… how can I help you when I am the very source of your woe?" (Coetzee, 1999: 37). After knowing that David rape his Doughter Mr. Isaacs tell him that what e sad done is not right. He imply that he does not sending her daughter to the nest of viper that poisoned her daughter with the act of rape. He feels ashamed about what was happen. He disappointed that an educated person like Professor David do an embarrassing and stupid thing. After the university fired David, Melanie continued her study. From the university scandal Melanie is regarded as victims and the professor is the one who responsible. Thus the disgrace runs to David. Even though Mr. Isaacs' family got ashamed too from his rape they not reported this to the policemen. David is lucky this time. It is obvious that the rape survivor will blessed with so much shame. It is also happened on Lucy. The first thing she did is staying at home. She does not want to go outside. The trauma and the fear will grow upon her. In earlier days after the rape he stated that he was nothing, heist e dead person. She did not want to meet people too. She would rather hide her face, and he knows why. Because of the disgrace. Because of the shame…. Like a stain the story is spreading across the district. Not her story to spread but theirs: they are its owners. How they put her in her place, how they showed her what a woman was for. (Coetzee, 1999: 115) It is a related to shame that person who gets shame will hide itself from public. Lucy was avoiding he people talk and question. It takes a time to recover from this trauma. But she could not let it go to long because if she do not going outside she will lose her job and stall in the market. To replace her, David and Petrus doing her job in the market. The damage that is given to Lucy, the rape survivor, may attached forever. She felt everything will never be the same. "One is never oneself again?" (Coetzee, 1999: 124). Is "Lucy" still "Lucy"? Lucy also emphasizes the existence of herself "I am not the person you know. I am a dead person and I do not know yet what will bring me back to life." (Coetzee, 1999: 161). With nothing to left she got nothing to lose. Then she decided to take consequences of human body in pain. Lucy takes the consequences of human body in pain. "I must learn to accept. To start at ground level. With nothing. Not with nothing but. With nothing. No cards, no weapons, no property, no rights, no dignity." (Coetzee, 1999: 205). From the sentence above it is shown that Lucy is starting to understand her condition after being raped. She decided to start her business in farm and her vendor. Although she realises that she has nothing left. The rapist also takes her dignity that is the biggest loose after the rape. A woman without a dignity will judge herself as a shameful person. She also feels that she has no right to her own land and properties. It is because Petrus take over it. As the rapist, David Lurie got public pressure from university committee and the students. At first he does not confess that he is guilty. But after her daughter being raped by three African intruders he contemplate and change his attitude. Then he ask for apologize to Melanie's family. After the scandal of lecture and his student were reported in university newspaper, the university made a committee. When answering the question, David giving no clue to the judges. David was making confusing issues to them. The committee not wanted to force David to make apologize. They wanted to help David to keep doing his career by making a statement to make it clear. But he resisted by saying "I am being asked to issue an apology about which I may not be sincere?" (Coetzee, 1999: 58) David's refusal to be "disgraced" can be read as a warlike strategy in the realm of sexual politics. For by renouncing the assault, David transfers the shame he feels upon Melanie in an attempt to strengthen his wavering masculinity and suppress her intimidating femininity. He plead guilty when he was in the committee. He remains silent and giving no story from his side. When David asked someone in the neutral position that is his former wife, Rosalind. She told him that he should have known that he is too old to be meddling with other people's children. He should have expected the worst from the scandal. She also blame the two for all that happened. `Don't blame her! Whose side are you on? Of course I blame her! I blame you and I blame her. The whole thing is disgraceful from beginning to end. Disgraceful and vulgar too. And I'm not sorry for saying so.' (Cortzee, 1999: 45) David feels disgrace on himself but he still cannot accept it. He said nothing to the committee and plead guilty. But from her former wife explanation he cannot resist it. Even though he must be so angry when he heard what she said. But he controlled his emotion and accept the disgrace given by the rape. For earlier, David is described as "mildly smitten with Melanie" and that "it was no great matter: barely a term passed when he did not fall for one or other of his charges" (Coetzee, 1999: 11-12,). Masquerading as the tragic subject of the ungovernable impulse of Eros, David publically justifies and renounces the stigmatization of Melanie's rape.David's lack of a sincere apology and his refusal to publically acknowledge the assault, along with his fanciful illustration of himself as a "servant of Eros" (Coetzee, 1999: 52) demonstrates the way in which disgrace (though masked as desire) is felt by men as a response to threatening femininity. Spurned and embarrassed by the loss of his womanizing charms, David's shame is directed into lust, later to be passed off as "Eros" when he encounters Melanie Isaacs, whom he refers to as "Melanie: the dark one" (Coetzee, 1999: 8). As with Soraya, David's seduction of Melanie is an attempt not only to reclaim sexual privilege, but to emphasize the traditional patriarchal procedures of the European culture, in which such privilege, like Lurie himself, is embedded. The worst thing from David's disgrace is how he, an intellectual person which had title a professor, becomes a person who can do nothing except working in bad place. To be a dog-man, that he already underestimate it on Petrus. By the time, David realized that he can't do nothing but accept what the destiny does. The situation that makes him to take any job turned David into a rational man. What David has and does in the university, which let him to become an intellectual people, disappear when he moved out. He then realized that what he writes about Byron and natural poets all this time is all about the death person. He never writes something in contemporary. CONCLUSION There will be two conclusions which are in line with the statement of problems. The first conclusion is about the depiction of rape in the novel Disgrace. The second conclusion is about how rape lead to shame through the rapist and the rape survivor. From the analysis that has been done about the depiction of rape. It can be concluded that that the author, J.M. Coetzee use the rape to describe the condition of race in post apartheid. All the rape in this novel is interracial rape. There are three kinds of rape experienced by three female characters. The first and the second rape was done by David, white male character that desiring ethnic women. He lived in promiscuity or womanizer that used to have sex with a lot of women. Then in the end he involved in scandal with his student, Melanie. Then the third rape was done to David's daughter, Lucy. She was being raped by three African intruders. The first rape is happened between David and the prostitute, Soraya. On his age of 50 he has no plan to married again. Thus, it made David rely on prostitution in his sexual life. His ideal marriage is with a wife that is a prostitute, but for him only and only at certain times. He met Soraya only on Thursday. On the other day he is back to his normal life. With Soraya he already find the happiness he belief. It makes him thought; there is no need to search for another life destination such as home and real wife. Prostitution gives the solution that allows him to fantasize a woman to mirrors his wishes. This can be classified as rape concerning that every women in prostitutes would leave if they can and she has to do it because there are no other choices. But in the end Soraya decided to quit the job as prostitutes so he has no other place to suit his lust. Then, accidently David met Melanie on the way home. She is his student from romantic class. Melanie is a colored girl, this make David interest to her concerning that he is desiring ethnic women. He forced her to have sex. He did not force her physically but seduced her with suggestive words. The relationship between them then became a scandal in the campus and also became the talk of the city. He left the town and visits his daughter in other town to run away from the situation. During his visits to his daughter, three black men attack Lurie and Lucy at home. The men lock Lurie in a bathroom and rape Lucy in the bedroom. The second half of the novel deals with the aftermath of that moment. Lucy did not want to tell the police and keep silent about what happened to her. She also rejected her father offer to move to Holland. She claimed that it is a private matter and not to be shared. With nothing to left she got nothing to lose. Then she decided to take consequences of human body in pain. Accepting the subordinates , she is willing to sacrifice herself, brings peace between the different racial groups in South Africa. The second conclusion is about how rape lead to shame. In Disgrace the rape that experienced by the rapist and the rape survivor transform their life worst then before. The act of rape means to take away by force which the dignity is to be taken. Loosing dignity makes woman feel shameful on herself. While the rapist that considered as a thief will judge as disgraceful person after the rape. The male character, David Lurie, got disgrace after doing sexual harassment to his student, Melanie. As the rapist, David will be haunted by his sin and losing his reputation and his job. While Lucy, the rape survivor got shame after being raped The first shame is from the prostitute, Soraya. She felt the shame for being prostitute because every prostitutes is attached to shame. Then to keep her pride for her children, Soraya decided to quit the job. She did not want her children knows their real mother is. So she decided to resign from the escort and disappeared from that business. The second shame is from Melanie that involved in scandal with her lecture, David. She was shame for being reported even as victims. She often not attended the class even it was a midterm test. But she still survives to continue his study to university. This is maybe because David was kicked out from the university and not to be someone near her. The third shame is from Lucy, she raped by three African intruders. She is a lesbian that live alone in the small town. She thought that the rape that she got is the payment for living in South Africa. She felt that the rapist wants her to back home to Europe because the westerner's does not belong to South Africa. Then she decided to stay and stay silent about the rape, and keeping her shame as a private matter. The last disgrace is from David, as rapist, David Lurie got public pressure from university committee and the students. At first he does not confess that he is guilty. He loses his job as a professor and turn to be an animal's clinic assistance for killing unwanted dog. After her daughter raped by three African intruders he then contemplates and changes his attitude. He ask for apologize to Melanie's family for his feeling guilty that he never confess before. The ending of the novel shows us that Lucy as the rape survivor could start her life again from the start. She continued to seeding a new plan even she is on pregnancy. He father, David, started to understand that he live in South Africa. Then, he stop complaining about the condition. Disgrace ends with Lurie staying on in Graham's town, continuing to help out at the animal clinic. The open ending of the novel shows Lurie playing excerpts from his opera in the making on a makeshift toy banjo to the three legged dog, Driepoot, who is awaiting his turn for mercy killing. REFERENCE Abegunde, Babalola. 2013. Re-Examination of Rape and Its Groing Jurisprudance under International La. Journal of Politics and Law. Vol. 6, No. 4. Abbey, A., Parkhill, M., Clinton-Sherrod, A. & Zawacki T. 2007. A comparison of men who committed different types of sexual assault in a community sample. Journal of interpersonal violence. Baumeister, R., Catanese, K. & Wallace, H. 2002. Conquest by force: a nacissistic reactance theory of rape and sexual coercion. Review of general psychology Bushman, B., Bonacci, A., Dijk, M. & Baumeister, R. (2003). Narcissism, sexual refusal, and aggression: testing a narcissistic reactance model of sexual coercion. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. Cahill, A. (2001). Rethinking rape. Ithaca: Cornell University Press Coetzee. J.M. 1999. Disgrace. London: Vintage, 2000 Fuchs, Thomas. 2003. The Phenomenology of Shame, Guilt and the Body in Body Dysmorphic Disorder and Depression. Journal of Phenomenological Psychology. vol. 33, no. 2. Gottfredson, M. & Hirschi, T. 1990. A general theory of crime. Stanford: Stanford University Press Lowell, Gary. 2010. A Review of Rape Statistics Theories and Policy. Undergraduate Review. Massachusetts: Bridgewater State University. Nurka, Camille. 2012. Feminine Shame/Masculine Disgrace. Journal of Cultural Study. University of Melbourne Prentky, R. & Knight, R.1991. Identifying Critical Dimensions for Discriminating Among Rapists. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology Siegert, R. & Ward, T. 2002. Rape and evolutionary psychology: a critique of Thornhill and Palmer's theory. Journal of Aggression and violent behavior

Section one provides an economic update and assesses the challenges and near-term prospects facing the South African economy. In particular, it looks at the implications for South Africa of the resurgence of uncertainty in global financial markets, the surge in capital flows to safe-haven assets, the continuing Euro zone crisis, and signs of slowdown in some of the large emerging market economies. Section two focuses on inequality of opportunity in South Africa. For the first time, using innovative techniques, this section presents an analysis of the interlinked inequality of opportunities for children and for access to employment. Every society has a degree of inequality of outcomes that reflects differences in innate human capabilities, effort, education, experience, and skills. But a recognized goal for public policy is to ensure at least the equality of opportunity for every individual in a country. Many countries have used this new approach to develop targeted policies to promote such equality of opportunity and to monitor and evaluate the success of public programs.

This paper provides a synthetic overview of the link between food insecurity and conflict, addressing both traditional (civil and interstate war) and emerging (regime stability, violent rioting and communal conflict) threats to security and political stability. In addition, it addresses the various attempts by national governments, intergovernmental organizations, and civil society to address food insecurity and, in particular, the link with conflict. It begins with a discussion of the various effects of food insecurity for several types of conflict, and discusses the interactions among political, social, and demographic factors that may exacerbate these effects. It then discusses the capabilities of states, international markets, intergovernmental organizations, and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) to break the link between food security and conflict by focusing on mechanisms that can shield both food consumers and producers from short-term price instability. Finally, it discusses projected trends in both food insecurity and conflict and concludes with some brief comments on policies that can build resilience in light of projections of higher and volatile food prices and a changing climate.