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In recent years, interest in a comprehensive reconstruction of relations between Washington and New Delhi has led to a considerable increase in publications regarding the matter: the interpretative paradigm within which most of these contributions have occurred has privileged a reading of the events from a politico-diplomatic point of view, neglecting to the same extent both the area of nuclear proliferation in the Indian subcontinent and also the economic relations between the two countries. The author of the article firstly maintains that through a rereading of the events, which integrates diplomatic data with concrete analysis of economic interventions, it is possible to reconstruct the basis of Indo-American relations in an original manner. The essay dedicates particular attention to the years in which, in the author's opinion, US perception of Southern Asia, and of India in particular, was changing: this decade, approximately, proves to be characterised firstly by a phase of preparation, and then of management, of a policy of development aid emblematic of the new U.S. tendency. Over the course of time, the Indian case became one of the most significant theatres of confrontation between different models of development, the Soviet model and that of a Western character, maintaining a prominent role at least until the mid 1960s. In particular, this contribution examines the presidency of Dwight D. Eisenhower as the field of debate, of proposals and of initiatives in favour of Third World countries. In this sense, the final objective is to recognise the most significant moments in the relations between the Indian and U.S. governments, as testimony of an approach constructed over time, with awareness and patience.

This paper analyzes the administrative transformation of the Department of Cultural Affairs, freedom of expression, the year of Mexico in France, the image of Mexico in the world and the closure of Mexico's diplomatic mission to UNESCO. During this administration, cultural diplomacy waned and lost its institutional standing. Efforts to counteract the deteriorating image of abroad through cultural diplomacy lacked the financial resources necessary to expand their activities and, combined with a series of poor decisions and circumstantial events, the cultural activities run by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs entered a clear phase of decline. Adapted from the source document.

The article studies Turkey's twiplomacy how Turkish diplomats use Twitter in performing their diplomatic outreach and public diplomacy. The literature review shows that there is a lack of a comprehensive large N study of Turkey's twiplomacy. The article fills in this gap by collecting and analyzing data set of Twitter posts by 76 diplomats from 2010 to 2020. It helps understand how and to what extent Turkish diplomats maintain their presence on Twitter. We achieve this goal using two groups of methods. Firstly, we derive descriptive statistics for several user metrics including raw numbers of tweets per user and per date as well as retweet, reply, and like counts per user. Secondly, we analyze content of tweets through calculation of their sentiment scores.The main findings indicate that the Twitter presence of Turkish diplomats is relatively limited and reliant on a few prominent figures. Though Turkish diplomats are selected from well-educated individuals who can make the greatest use of available opportunities provided by social media, relatively few of them are active on Twitter. Another significant conclusion is that Turkey's twiplomacy is inconsistent and driven by individuals rather than a part of a wider strategy or framework. Online activities of different state institutions are not synchronized for efficient use of social media and so-called twiplomacy. Finally, according to the results of the content analysis, Turkish diplomats usually employ positive language in their tweets, as seen by the most frequently used terms, related emotions, and sentiment scores. It confirms the idea that Turkish diplomats tend to promote messages demonstrating Turkey's endorsement of international cooperation.

Abstract: This article describes the life and work of the distinguished political leader of the 17th century Vasiliy Vasilyevich Golitsyn. He entered the history of our country as a thoughtful reformist and a brilliant diplomat. His transformations created the foundation for the future pivotal reforms by Peter the Great. Being an outstanding analyst and a strategic planner, Golytsin won his combats not on the bloody battlefields but in the course of fights on the diplomatic arena. During the reign of Sophia, when he had received ultimately unlimited power warrant, he mainly fostered all of his efforts to the implementation of the socio-economic changes and the rise of prestige of the Russian State. However, as it often happens with the prominent reformists he became a victim of the in-house political tussle; he placed the wrong bet on Sophia instead of Peter the Great and his court. As a result, he was deprived from his post, lost his estates, and was sent into exile to the north of the country. The author of this article followed the probable route of Golytsin's exile ramblings and paid special attention to the stay of the disgraced knyaz in Pinezhskiy Volok - currently the settlement of Pinega situated approximately 200 km away from Arkhangelsk on the banks of the Pinega River. The article also offers a detailed description of the Krasnogorskiy Monastery located 15 km away from the settlement. Golitsyn used to visit this monastery regularly and in 1714 was buried there disclaimed by Peter. The tombstone from his grave was preserved and is now stored in the Museum of Regional Studies in Pinega.

Making Diplomacy Work: Intelligent Innovation for the Modern World is a critical and comprehensive survey of how diplomacy works. While most discussions of diplomatic reform stop short of proposing concrete ideas to make diplomacy work better, this text suggests doable initiatives that could make diplomacy more versatile, more attuned to modern realities, and more capable of confronting the shared problems that no state can solve on its own. It takes a fresh look at the practice of diplomacy, sets its achievements and failures in a contemporary context, and analyzes the major factors that have changed the way it is conducted. The book is built on the premise that diplomacy must adapt some of its ritualistic and stale procedures to become more effective in the modern ...

In response to the violence & anarchy that accompanied the G8 Summit held in Genoa, Italy, in July 2001, the host of the 2002 summit, Canadian Prime Minister Jean Chretien, decided to hold the next meeting in the isolated resort town of Kananaskis, Alberta. The decision to hold the meeting in isolation, & the meeting itself are, unfortunately, inadequate in the new global environment. This paper outlines the following 10 points that must be considered if diplomatic efforts are to have a positive & lasting impact: (1) remember the Rambouillet reality, (2) rely on the Alberta advantage, (3) inform the public, (4) include parliamentarians, (5) generate G8 study centers, (6) sponsor G8 scholarships, (7) educate the citizenry, (8) massage the media, (9) clarify the communique, & (10) include civil society on-site. K. Larsen

Amerikanisch-ägyptische Beziehungen zwischen den beiden Weltkriegen haben bisher im Schatten britisch-ägyptischer Beziehungen gestanden. Anhand von amerikanischen, ägyptischen und britischen Quellen geht der Autor zum einen der amerikanischen Außen- und Kulturpolitik in Ägypten nach, zum anderen betrachtet er die ägyptischen Erwartungen an und Enttäuschungen von der amerikanischen Politik. Dabei wird deutlich, dass ägyptische Intellektuelle und Politiker, wie beispielsweise Sa'd Zaghlul, bereits mit der Revolution von 1919 ihre Hoffnungen in den USA - v.a. in Wilsons 14 Punkte und das mit ihnen verbundene Recht aller Völker auf Selbstbestimmung - verloren hatten. (DÜI-Mjr)

"The view that China has become increasingly assertive under President Xi Jinping is now a common trope in academic and media discourse. However, until the end of Xi Jinping's first term in March 2018, China had been relatively restrained in its use of coercive economic measures. This is puzzling given the conventional belief among scholars and practitioners that sanctions are a middle ground between diplomatic and military/paramilitary action. Using a wide range of methods and data -- including in-depth interviews with 76 current and former politicians, policy-makers, diplomats, and commercial actors across 12 countries and 16 cities -- Sanctions with Chinese Characteristics: Rhetoric and Restraint in China's Diplomacy examines the ways in which China had employed economic sanctions to further its political objectives, and the factors explaining China's behaviour. This book provides a systematic investigation into the ways in which Chinese decisionmakers approached sanctions both at the United Nations Security Council and unilaterally, and shows how China's longstanding sanctions rhetoric has had a constraining effect on its behaviour, resulting in its inability to employ sanctions in complete alignment with its immediate interests."--

When the military's ruling party violently quashed Burma's pro-democracy movement, diplomatic condemnation quickly followed--to little effect. But when Burma's activists began linking the movement to others around the world, the result was dramatically different. This book is the first to explain how Burma's pro-democracy movement became a transnational social movement for human rights. Through the experience of the Free Burma movement, John G. Dale demonstrates how social movements create and appropriate legal mechanisms for generating new transnational political opportunities. He presents th

Cover; Contents; Acknowledgments; Note on Terms; Introduction; 1. Manifest Destiny and Mob Violence against Mexicans; 2. Judge Lynch on the Border; 3. Mexican Resistance to Mob Violence; 4. Diplomatic Protest and the Decline of Mob Violence; Conclusion: Remembering the Forgotten Dead; Appendix A: Confirmed Cases of Mob Violence against Persons of Mexican Origin and Descent in the United States, 1848-1928; Appendix B: Unconfirmed Cases of Mob Violence against Persons of Mexican Origin and Descent in the United States, 1848-1928; Notes; Index; A; B; C; D; E; F; G; H; I; J; K; L; M; N; O; P; Q

Satow's diplomatic career was more multifaceted than the older, often Japan-centered, assessments of his work suggest. His period as minister to China especially has not been given the attention it deserves. His appointment to the Peking legation coincided with one of the most momentous periods in Sino-Western relations in the aftermath of the Boxer crisis of 1900. Satow exercised significant influence on the negotiations that led to the Boxer settlement of September 1901; & he proved to be a shrewd & skillful player in the Great Power competition for influence in China. The last two years of his term at the head of the Peking legation were taken up with steering British diplomacy through the turbulence caused by the Russo-Japanese War. Adapted from the source document.

THIS ARTICLE FOCUSES ON THE FOLLOWING ASPECTS OF THE ASIA MINOR AGREEMENT OF 1916--BETTER KNOWN AS THE SYKES-PICOT AGREEMENT, AND ATTENDANT EVENTS: WHAT DID FRANCE KNOW OF ENGLAND'S PARALLEL, ONGOING CONTACTS WITH SHERIF HUSSEIN OF MECCA, AND WHEN DID SHE KNOW IT? WHAT WAS THE FRENCH POLICY PERSPECTIVE ON THE SYKES-PICOT NEGOTIATION AS IT RELATED TO THE LEVANT? HOW DID FRANCE RESPOND TO THE ZIONIST QUESTION AND TO BRITAIN'S 1917 ISSUANCE OF THE BALFOUR DECLARATION? IN ADDITION TO THESE QUESTIONS IT PROVIDES DETAILS ON NAHUM SOKOLOW'S DEALINGS WITH THE FRENCH GOVERNMENT IN 1917 AND 1918, AND OUTLINES THE FULL DIPLOMATIC CAREER OF FRANCOIS GEORGES-PICOT.

The space occupied by international law in shaping political action is subject to continuing debate and controversy. This book aims to answer the question of how and why international law impacts the behaviour of actors on the international stage in the absence of central authority and faced with asymmetric power. At a time when the role of normative restraints in international relations, and international law in particular, has come under renewed questioning, it advances an analytical framework for understanding the effect of norms on behaviour that is not contingent on material restraints or a given political constellation, while being informed by the practical realities and practice of international organisation. In doing so, this book draws on an interdisciplinary range of sources, including international law, political theory, cognitive psychology and behavioural economics to explore a communicative action-based approach of how norms and ideas persuade actors to engage in a course of action consonant with international law to achieve a particular outcome. In probing the role of norms on questions such as the use of force and accountability, and issues of equity and justice, it examines the challenges international law faces and what the way forward may look like. Alain Germeaux joined the diplomatic service after working as Research Fellow at the Research Centre on Normative Orders, the University of California, Los Angeles, USA, and the University of Cambridge, UK. He is legal adviser to the Luxembourg foreign ministry and served on the UN Security Council, the European Union, and as agent to the Court of Justice of the European Union and head of delegation to the International Criminal Court. He holds degrees in Public International Law and European Law from Universite Paris I (Pantheon-Sorbonne) and the University of Hamburg, and a PhD from the University of Frankfurt am Main.

Preliminary Materials /S. Harris and N.B. Criss -- Introduction /Şuhnaz Yilmaz -- Chapter One. Louis E. Browne And The Leaders Of The 1919 Sivas Congress /Seçil Karal Akgün -- Chapter Two. The General Harbord Commission And The American Mandate Question /Seçil Karal Akgün -- Chapter Three. Turkey And Her Nationalist Leaders As Seen In The 1923 Reports Of Louise Bryant /Howard A. Reed -- Chapter Four. By Shades Of Diplomatic Recognition: American Encounters With Turkey (1923–1937) /Nur Bilge Criss -- Chapter Five. Repairing Turkish-American Relations After The First World War: Ahmet Muhtar In Washington /George S. Harris -- Chapter Six. Cementing Turkish-American Relations: The Ambassadorship Of (Mehmet) Münir Ertegün (1934 1944) /George S. Harris -- Epilogue /Nur Bilge Criss -- Appendix Condensed. Memorandum Concerning The Organization And Points Of View Of The League For The Defense Of The Rights Of Anatolia And Rumelia /S. Harris and N.B. Criss -- Bibliography /S. Harris and N.B. Criss -- Index /S. Harris and N.B. Criss.

"This book examines the history and contemporary implications of the "San Francisco System" with particular focus on its frontier problems. Drawing on extensive archival research and current day analysis, Kimie Hara uncovers key links between the regional problems in the Asia-Pacific and their underlying association with Japan, and explores clues for their future resolution within the multilateral context in which they originated. Cold War Frontiers in the Asia-Pacific will appeal to students and scholars interested in international relations of the Asia-Pacific region, diplomatic history, and Japanese diplomacy."--BOOK JACKET.