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This paper addresses the constitutional entrenchment of foreign policy preferences, or "world views", from the vantage point of International Relations theory. Empirically, norms that sketch out certain visions of global governance have become a popular feature of constitutional design. The paper expounds both their potential, as well as pitfalls to avoid, with a particular focus on Constructivist scholarship. In terms of their merits, they can serve as evidence of a "normative basis" for foreign policy and as parameters for legitimacy. Furthermore, they represent both evidence of, and fuel for, processes of socialization in foreign policy. However, Constructivists tempted to draw on such constitutional worldviews should heed three main caveats. Firstly, while the constitution is supreme in the legal realm, it is only one of many possible expressions of normative preferences from a political science perspective. Secondly, they should avoid confusion between domestic constitutional standards and universal ones. Thirdly, they should be aware of the problematic of the "dead hand of the past", i.e., while constitutional entrenchment may lend norms particular gravitas, it also makes them prone to become out-dated. By staying clear of these pitfalls, Constructivist theorists can embrace contemporary constitutions in their quest to elucidate which principles and ideas shape the international order and its maturing legal framework.

Focusing on the impact of WTO disciplines, this book explores the WTO's contribution to domestic reform, economic integration and dispute settlement of China, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macau: the four WTO Members in Greater China.

We argue that mercantilism is not an anachronism, but a pattern of interaction between economies functioning analytically as subsystems both of nations and societies. The relation between theory and policy in France's post-war monetary history suggests two concepts of mercantilist rationalization of external economic policy. Although verbalized in terms of liberal economic theory, French monetary policy served nationalist diplomacy (diplomatic mercantilism) and/or the specific societal politics of the domestic economy (political mercantilism). Diplomatic and political mercantilism are indices of indeterminacy of international economics. Societal politics and international economics are thresholds of feasibility for diplomatic mercantilism. But cumulative rationalization of feasible external economic policy in terms of both political and diplomatic mercantilism is not excluded. As a function both of national system maintenance and societal integration, mercantilism is more easily explained in terms of sociological functionalism than in terms of either international functionalism or Realism alone.

Im Wahlkampf und in den ersten 100 Tagen seiner Regierung bediente sich Donald Trump einer harten handelspolitischen Rhetorik. Freihandelsabkommen wurden als Ursache für wirtschaftspolitische Miseren dargestellt, vor allem für Arbeitslosigkeit. Ins Visier gerieten vorwiegend Länder, die Exportüberschüsse gegenüber den USA er­wirtschaften, wie Mexiko, Deutschland oder China. Weltweit wuchs deshalb die Furcht vor Handelskriegen und einem Ende der multilateralen Welthandelsordnung. Besonders verunsichert sind lateinamerikanische Länder, deren Außenhandel stark auf die USA ausgerichtet ist. Inzwischen zeichnet sich jedoch ab, dass die US-Handelspolitik pragmatischer werden wird. Zugleich sind auf der ganzen Welt Bestrebungen zu er­ken­nen, sich von den USA handelspolitisch unabhängiger zu machen. (Autorenreferat)