Suchergebnisse

This research departs from the problems in the implementation of the protection of civil and political rights in Indonesia. After ten years of the ICCPR ratification, especially during the Joko Widodo era, there some regression in the score for freedom of expression as a crucial instrument for a democratic country's human rights issue. Specifically, this study aims to analyze the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) application as an international regime in Indonesia during the Joko Widodo administration in 2014-2015. This study used a descriptive qualitative method, with data collection techniques through literature study. The data was taken from the official website of the organization as the responsible for supervising the fulfillment of human rights, such as; Kontras, ICJR, HRWG, and others, then through interview sessions with related parties, as well as several official documents, laws, reports and quarterly records. This thesis is analyzed based on the concept of human rights based on an Islamic perspective, the international regime's theory, and the concept of compliance and enforcement. This theoretical framework will help analyze how international treaties work as international regimes in binding participating States, especially Indonesia, to comply with the articles contained therein. This international regime will also later provide the formation of patterns of behavior in Indonesia and how Indonesia's compliance in implementing regulations in fulfilling its people's civil and political rights will result in two possible decreases or increases. Finally, it was found that in its implementation after ten years of ratification, the ICCPR experienced a regression in the fulfillment of its civil and political rights, several factors namely cause the obstacles to its implementation: lack of strength of norms created by the ICCPR against participating countries, the rules governing participating countries still have barriers and obstacles, which have implications for the decision making process in participating countries, Weak international coercion in taking action against mistakes Indonesia, As well as Indonesia has its logic of compliance in complying with the ICCPR as an international regime.Key Words: International Covenant on Civil and Political Right, International Regime, Indonesia

"Across the world, most people are well aware of ordinary criminal harms to person and property. Often committed by the powerless and poor, these individualized crimes are catalogued in the statistics collected annually by the FBI and by similar agencies in other developed nations. In contrast, the more harmful and systemic forms of injury to person and property committed by powerful and wealthy individuals, groups, and national states are neither calculated by governmental agencies nor annually reported by the mass media. As a result, most citizens of the world are unaware of the routinized "crimes of the powerful", even though they are more likely to experience harms and injuries from these types of organized offenses than they are from the atomized offenses of the powerless. Research on the crimes of the powerful brings together several areas of criminological focus, involving organizational and institutional networks of powerful people that commit crimes against workers, marketplaces, taxpayers and political systems, as well as acts of torture, terrorism, and genocide. This international handbook offers a comprehensive, authoritative and structural synthesis of these interrelated topics of criminological concern. It also explains why the crimes of the powerful are so difficult to control. Edited by internationally acclaimed criminologist Gregg Barak, this book reflects the state of the art of scholarly research, covering all the key areas including corporate, global, environmental, and state crimes. The handbook is a perfect resource for students and researchers engaged with explaining and controlling the crimes of the powerful, domestically and internationally"--

"Across the world, most people are well aware of ordinary criminal harms to person and property. Often committed by the powerless and poor, these individualized crimes are catalogued in the statistics collected annually by the FBI and by similar agencies in other developed nations. In contrast, the more harmful and systemic forms of injury to person and property committed by powerful and wealthy individuals, groups, and national states are neither calculated by governmental agencies nor annually reported by the mass media. As a result, most citizens of the world are unaware of the routinized "crimes of the powerful", even though they are more likely to experience harms and injuries from these types of organized offenses than they are from the atomized offenses of the powerless. Research on the crimes of the powerful brings together several areas of criminological focus, involving organizational and institutional networks of powerful people that commit crimes against workers, marketplaces, taxpayers and political systems, as well as acts of torture, terrorism, and genocide. This international handbook offers a comprehensive, authoritative and structural synthesis of these interrelated topics of criminological concern. It also explains why the crimes of the powerful are so difficult to control. Edited by internationally acclaimed criminologist Gregg Barak, this book reflects the state of the art of scholarly research, covering all the key areas including corporate, global, environmental, and state crimes. The handbook is a perfect resource for students and researchers engaged with explaining and controlling the crimes of the powerful, domestically and internationally"--

Michael Schemmann analysiert die seit 1990 dokumentierten bildungspolitischen Orientierungen und Aktivitäten von OECD, EU, UNESCO und der Weltbank. Er deckt die Bedeutung inter- und supranationaler Organisationen für die nationale Bildungspolitik auf. Dabei arbeitet der Autor die Grundzüge eines globalen Diskurses zur Weiterbildung heraus.

Canada's fisheries have always been the subject of complex and conflicting international relations. Until January 1977, the fishing grounds off the Canadian coasts were there to be exploited by any nation with the means to do so. Interstate competition had a disastrous effect on the stock. With the extension of Canadian responsibilities to 200 miles offshore, a national System was laid down for stock exploitation and appropriation. From 1976 to 1982, Canada set up plans for the strict management of its fisheries, and numerous agreements were signed which allowed for the allocation of surplus stock from the Canadian waters in return for a market for Canadian sea products. From 1982 to 1985, with its stock increasing, Canada's policy appeared more generous since it allowed for the allocation of its non-surplus stock to signatory countries with a growing market for Canadian goods or with lower tarriff barriers. Since 1985, the emphasis in Canada has been mainly on conservation : Non-surplus stocks are allocated to countries who buy Canadian sea products, though especially those who respect the Canadian territorial limits and who respect the quotas, set by the North West Atlantic Fishing Organisation, outside Canada's 200-mile zone in the Atlantic. Due to its proximity to the US and to France (St-Pierre and Miquelon), Canada has sustained relations with those two countries. There are major differences between them regarding the demarcation of maritime boundaries and the sharing of transnational fisheries.

A BAYESIAN MODEL OF DECISION-MAKING IS FORMULATED TO RECONCEPTUALIZE A RESEARCH PROBLEM REGARDING THE ROLE OF UNCERTAINITY IN THE OCCURANCE OF WAR PRESENTES IN AN ARTICLE BY SINGER GT AL. BY INTRODUCING SUBJECTIVE PROBABILITIES, THE MODEL SHOWS THAT UNCERTAINTY IS NOT ONLY A FACTOR THAT CAN AFFECT A NATION'S CHOICE, BUT THAT IT CAN ALSO BE CREATED TO MASK ITS TRUE INTENTIONS TO ACHIEVE ITS GOALS.