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This paper provides a method for testing for regime differences when regimes are long-lasting. Standard testing procedures are generally inappropriate because regime persistence causes a spurious regression problem - a problem that has led to incorrect inference in a broad range of studies involving regimes representing political, business, and seasonal cycles. The paper outlines analytically how standard estimators can be adjusted for regime dummy variable persistence. While the adjustments are helpful asymptotically, spurious regression remains a problem in small samples and must be addressed using simulation or bootstrap procedures. We provide a simulation procedure for testing hypotheses in situations where an independent variable in a time-series regression is a persistent regime dummy variable. We also develop a procedure for testing hypotheses in situations where the dependent variable has similar properties.

Winner of the North American Society for Social Philosophy's major prize - The Most Important Social Philosophy Title to be Published in 2000The mass movement of people across the globe constitutes a major feature of world politics today. Whatever the cause of the movement - often war, famine, economic hardship, political repression or climate change - the governments of western capitalist states see this 'torrent of people in flight' as a serious threat to their stability and the scale of this migration indicates a need for a radical re-thinking of both political theory and practice, for the sake of political, social and economic justice. This book argues that there is at present a serious gap between the legal and social practices of immigration and naturalisation in liberal democratic states and any theoretical justification for such practices that can be made within the tradition of liberal political philosophy. How can liberal states develop institutions of democratic citizenship and at the same time justifiably exclude 'outsiders' from participating in those institutions? The book examines various responses to this contradiction within the liberal tradition, and finds none of them satisfactory - there are no consistently liberal justifications for immigration control and this has serious implications both for liberal practice and theory. Key FeaturesAn original contribution to political philosophy - fills a significant gap in the marketA comprehensive review and critique of theoretical arguments within political philosophy which attempt to justify practices of exclusionAn outline of a radical position on that questionA review of immigration and naturalisation practices of liberal democratic states including the USA, Canada, Europe, Australia and New ZealandApplies theoretical perspectives to the practices of immigration and naturalisation.

Physical Activity is a fundamental component for the maintenance of a healthy lifestyle. Recommendations for physical activity levels are issued by most governments as part of public health measures. Therefore, it is vital for regulatory purposes, that there are reliable measurements of physical activity. However, the techniques and protocols used in existing physical activity research, including laboratory-based measurement, have received increasingly critical scrutiny in recent times. Consequently, physical activity researchers have begun to explore the use of wearable sensing technology to capture large amounts of data and the use of machine learning techniques, specifically artificial neural networks, to produce classifications for specific physical activity events. This paper explores this idea further and presents a supervised machine learning approach that utilises data obtained from accelerometer sensors worn by children in free-living environments. The paper posits a rigorous data science approach that presents a set of activities and features suitable for measuring physical activity in children in free-living environments. A Multilayer Perceptron neural network is used to classify physical activities by activity type, using ecologically valid data from body worn accelerometer sensors. A rigorous reproducible data science methodology is presented for subsequent use in physical activity research. Our results show that it was possible to obtain an overall accuracy of 92% using the initial data set, and 99.8% using interpolated cases.

Why is an understanding of political competition essential for the study of public economics and public policy generally? How can political competition be described and understood, and how does it differ from its strictly economic counterpart? What are the implications of the fact that policy proposals in a democracy must always pass a political test? What are the strengths and weaknesses of electoral competition as a mechanism for the allocation of economic resources? Why are tax structures in democratic polities so complicated, and what implications follow from this for normative views about good policy choice? How can we measure the intensity of political competition, why and how does it vary in mature democracies, and what are the consequences? This Element considers the approach to answer these questions, while also illustrating some of the interesting theoretical and empirical work that has been done on them.

This research aims to find out how the hashtag #2019GantiPresiden, which was initially just a common hashtag on Twitter, has triggered a massive mass movement in Indonesia. Moreover, the hashtag incarnated into various souvenirs, even into a song that shouted the need for Indonesia to have a new president. The Hashtag #2019GantiPresiden became a medium of communication to convey political messages from political actors and those interested in the Indonesian presidential elections in 2019. Qualitative method was used in the drafting of this paper by collecting data relating to the topic of discussion and then using the Simulacra logic initiated by Jean Baudrillard in data analysis. The study concluded that in 2019, the #2019GantiPresiden hashtags showed the world that a voice on social media could become a great mass power in the real world.

This article critically reviews the concept of political masculinities that has been developed and applied across disciplines over the last ten years. I reflect on its future use across disciplines and, in particular, political science. In arguing for its continued utility, I suggest that, rather than existing as a category or configuration of gender practice, it acts as a useful lens through which to view the variably implicit and explicit practice of gendered power relations. This allows us to navigate what has been recognised as the 'multifariousness and decentredness' of different categories or configurations of gender practice and makes the varying politicalness of these practices visible as a basis for equitable gender change. In developing the concept further, I define what is 'political' in political masculinities and examine its relation to other categories or configurations of masculinity practices, such as hegemonic, dominant, marginalised and subordinate masculinities.

This article revisits one historical event that has been repeatedly discussed in the literature on democratic breakdown: the rise and fall of Argentine democracy between 1916 and 1930. First, we demonstrate why the claim that demands for drastic redistribution led to democratic breakdown is not a convincing explanation for the 1930 coup. Instead, we contend that the coup was the product of a polarizing political realignment that led to a legitimacy crisis. We evaluate this argument using estimates of Argentine legislators' latent preferences (ideal points) between 1916 and 1930. Our roll-call data analysis suggests that disputes over socio-economic issues did not precipitate the breakdown of the regime. What mattered was the allocation of political power. These findings support the view that stable democracy requires that all major groups in society have a sufficiently large chance of being in power.

Studies indicate female clergy are more likely to express social justice concerns & to be more theologically & politically liberal than their male counterparts. However, little attention has been given to what experiences affect the political views of women clergy or how their attitudes translate into political action. Data drawn from in-depth interviews with 31 women clergy serving in religious traditions open to theological liberalism in Omaha, NE, & Washington, DC, were used to explore how gender-related experiences affect political attitudes/choices. The focus was on mobilization, context, & socialization related to both the kinds of issues that inspire women clergy to become involved & obstacles to political participation. The findings confirmed that gender affects political choices because the professional experiences of women clergy differ from those of men. Feminist socialization & being a member of a professional minority provide an impetus for engagement in political action, especially on issues like discrimination & abortion. The potential for increased tensions between liberal & conservative religious groups as more women enter the ministry is discussed. 3 Tables. J. Lindroth

The political-economic cycle can be caused as the consequence of the wrong political decisions, made with the aim of re-election and maintaining the political power. These decisions influence the macroeconomic indicators of the country and their presence is problematic in the advanced economies. The main objective of this study is to verify the existence of the political-economic cycle model in the case of Greece and to identify the type of this cycle. The basement is given by the approach of Alesina and Roubini (1992), which observes the relationship between the political dummy variables and the selected macroeconomic variables such as gross domestic product, unemployment rate and inflation rate. The eight linear regression models are developed in the R software environment, while the three of them are opportunistic and the five are ideological. These models are identified as statistically significant and according to the methodology, tested for the presence of serial correlation, heteroscedasticity and residual normality. As the models do not confirm the presence of an opportunistic or ideological political-economic cycle, according to the data, the influence of the political parties on changes in the macroeconomic variables before the election is not proved for the case of Greece.

The political-economic cycle can be caused as the consequence of the wrong political decisions, made with the aim of re-election and maintaining the political power. These decisions influence the macroeconomic indicators of the country and their presence is problematic in the advanced economies. The main objective of this study is to verify the existence of the political-economic cycle model in the case of Greece and to identify the type of this cycle. The basement is given by the approach of Alesina and Roubini (1992), which observes the relationship between the political dummy variables and the selected macroeconomic variables such as gross domestic product, unemployment rate and inflation rate. The eight linear regression models are developed in the R software environment, while the three of them are opportunistic and the five are ideological. These models are identified as statistically significant and according to the methodology, tested for the presence of serial correlation, heteroscedasticity and residual normality. As the models do not confirm the presence of an opportunistic or ideological political-economic cycle, according to the data, the influence of the political parties on changes in the macroeconomic variables before the election is not proved for the case of Greece.

An attempt is made to dismantle some ontological assumptions about sovereignty & to develop a political ontology freed from state-centric thinking. Arguing that sovereignty is always an "artificial political concept," two other concepts -- hyperspace & the global city -- are evoked & the global city is conceptualized as an "ensemble of social movements in hyperspace." The relationship between the sovereign state & the individual is examined, & sovereignty is discussed as both the "logical outcome of civilization" & as an "illusion." The possibility of abandoning notions of state & society in favor of a more global perspective on civilization is explored. 19 References. K. Hyatt Stewart