Because of its parsimony and power, deterrence theory is the most important American theory of international relations. Yet it has many faults. The boundaries outside of which it does not apply are not clear; it does not tell how a state can change an adversary's motives; it does not deal with the use of rewards. Current scholarship of the third wave of deterrence theory, including George and Smoke'sDeterrence in American Foreign Policy, has increased our knowledge by providing empirical evidence on when and how deterrence fails. Examination of the details of decision making reveals the ways in which attempts to deter can go wrong. Recent work stresses the role of each side's intrinsic interest in an issue, and argues that earlier formulations of the theory exaggerated the importance of commitment. The third wave also introduces a larger political element by focusing attention on states' goals and the context of their behavior.
Both the official (state and diplomatic) and business protocols are frequently used in Europe; in Russia, it has become a focus of attention in recent years. Thus, there arises a need of training specialists in protocol. However, this aspect has not been tackled effectively by Russian universities. This article is aimed at identifying the need for the professional study of protocol at Russian universities. The paper analyses the level of teaching protocol disciplines in Europe and Russia and considers the results of the first Russian forum on protocol. The main conclusion drawn is that there is a need for introducing a qualification of an expert in protocol into Russian science. This research will help Russian universities create training plans for protocol disciplines.
The outer space mostly evokes notions and imageries which are largely limited to either the realms of science and technology or popular fiction. The paper contends that human activities pertaining to outer space are driven solely by scientific impulses and hypothesizes that political considerations have shaped and in turn been shaped by the nature of practices in and arrangements of outer space. It posits that the human activities in final frontier is subject to the politics of terra firma and is connected to the relations between and among states. The article explores these interlinkages with historical illustrations and compares and contrasts them with emerging trends to establish the interconnection between international relations and outer space.
AbstractThis article investigates the factors that affect scholarly attention on particular countries in four major international relations (IR) journals: International Studies Quarterly, International Organization, International Security, and World Politics for the period 1970 to the present. The analysis supports three basic conclusions. First, the United States receives the most scholarly attention in leading IR journals by a large margin. Second, a baseline model of scholarly attention, including just population, gross domestic product (GDP), and a dummy for the United States fits the data rather well. Additional factors such as membership in prominent international organizations or involvement in armed conflicts improve model fit, but only marginally, with little evidence of regional or English-language bias. And third, there is only weak evidence that countries with stronger economic and security linkages with the United States receive more attention. However, Israel and Taiwan—two countries with unique security relationships with the United States—receive more scholarly attention than either the baseline or augmented models would predict. Our analysis of bibliometric data from leading IR journals indicates the United States is the three-hundred-thousand-pound blue whale of IR scholarship. However, this emphasis is not particularly outsized when its large population, economy, and its extensive history of participation in interstate wars are taken into account.
Cet article examine les enjeux théoriques et métathéoriques de l'analyse des principales dynamiques politiques et économiques de la gouvernance néolibérale en considérant les contributions de perspectives féministes à cette réflexion. Il s'intéresse tout particulièrement à la problématisation des dimensions genrées et racialisées de la transformation des processus de reproduction sociale dans ce contexte. Nous approfondissons ces considérations en insistant sur la densité de ces relations de pouvoir et, en conséquence, sur l'importance de reconnaître que les relations de genre ne sont pas constituées en abstraction de l'ensemble des autres dynamiques de pouvoir en jeu. Nous soutenons, au contraire, que celles-ci sont constitutives de ces transformations.
Purpose This paper investigates whether building a nuclear power plant in a community would inherently bring local conflict phenomena such as "not in my back yard (NIMBY)", focusing especially on the interactive effect between different types of local publics and their exposure to either a supportive or opposing message about a hypothetical local governmental plan to build a nuclear power plant on community participation intentions.
Design/methodology/approach Applying the two theoretical frameworks (situational theory of publics and social exchange theory) to NIMBY, this study used a quantitative approach by using 471 participants in a 4 (publics: active, aware, aroused or inactive) × 2 (advocacy message type: supportive or opposing message) experimental design.
Findings The results showed that regardless of message types, active publics were more likely to participate in community activities than any other public, but this group strongly opposed the harmful facility, while inactive publics continued to be inactive. However, aware and aroused publics were significantly influenced by messages.
Originality/value The rationale and findings of this research are original, as they have not been published previously, and are not being simultaneously submitted elsewhere. This research should contribute to the broad body of knowledge and practices in community-based conflict issues in terms of risk management. It is believed that the discussion and implications of the findings should raise interesting areas for further research.
The Anthropocene as a new epoch brings into question the traditional modes of conceptualising International Relations. We believe that it does this by forcing students and practitioners of International Relations to think through how the discipline works as a set of ideas and practices, in fact, as a way of understanding the nature of problems and policymaking per se. As a discipline, International Relations is particularly sensitive to the questioning of the problematics of human exceptionalism, rationalist problem-solving and liberal modernist imaginaries of progress, which have shaped the agendas of international peace, development and democracy. Beyond the dark days of the Cold War, when International Relations was essentially a strategic exercise of Realpolitik, the discipline has staked a lot on the basis that Enlightenment liberalism is the universal panacea to human ills and that irrational structures or agencies can be civilised or tamed to further the interests of humanity, both in national or global regimes of good governance and the rule of law. These dreams of liberal universal solutions appear to have run aground in the Anthropocene as the last decade has marked a shift away from universal, modernist or 'linear' understandings of power and agency. In a world, construed as more complex, contingent and relational and replete with crises and unpredicted 'tipping points', traditional assumptions are up-ended and unintended consequences seem more relevant than 'good intentions'. Concomitantly, the methodological focus has switched away from understanding the essence of entities and towards privileging the analysis of relations, networks and contexts. Key to this has been debates focused around climate change and global warming which explicitly cast policy problems not as external threats to the 'good life' (that requires securing) but as instead questioning the starting assumptions of separations between inside/ outside, humanity/ nature, solutions/ problems and referents/ threats. This elicits a very ...
Euro-Mediterranean Consortium for Applied Research on International Migration (CARIM) ; S'agissant de l'Algérie, la question posée par le thème « Genre et migration » doit être appréhendée en premier lieu par rapport aux périodes historiques qui se sont succédées depuis l'indépendance à 2010 ; ensuite au regard des mutations intervenues dans l'ordre juridique interne algérien venues affranchir la condition féminine des servitudes, vécues de façon très inégale par les femmes. En réalité, la ligne de partage entre hommes et femmes, au regard des migrations internationales algériennes, est d'une pertinence toute relative. Elle a indéniablement un intérêt historique, puisque seuls, à l'origine, les hommes pouvaient émigrer. Mais d'une façon générale, le clivage hommes/femmes, aussi pertinent soit-il, ne peut à lui seul rendre compte de la nature très composite des migrations algériennes, surtout dans un pays où l'élite intellectuelle est majoritairement féminine et où les différentiations socioculturelles à partir des classes sociales transcendent largement celles inhérentes au genre. Par ailleurs, il est très important, pour cerner au plus près les réalités des migrations algériennes, de raisonner, à partir du couple, ce qui permet d'évaluer, a priori, la vocation des couples migrants (avec ou sans enfants) à s'intégrer dans la société occidentale. Les couples de culture occidentale et issus de milieux aisés s'adapteront facilement à l'environnement du pays d'arrivée, ce qui permettra à la femme algérienne de poursuivre ses activités et d'avoir des relations sociales aussi bien avec les populations algériennes comparables que les populations de souche. En revanche, les couples de culture arabophone et issus des milieux les plus conservateurs éprouveront des difficultés considérables à s'intégrer. Ceci dit, les pays d'arrivée ont d'autant moins de raisons de céder aux extrémismes religieux que les législations internes des pays de départ consacrent dans leur majorité, l'égalité entre l'homme et la femme, ont réaménagé profondément leur code de la famille, en y supprimant les dispositions les plus discriminatoires à l'endroit des femmes, faisant même obligation aux formations politiques d'appliquer la parité aux élections locales et générales. / For Algeria the question raised by «Gender and Migration» has to be addressed according to successive historical periods from independence to 2010 ; then through modifications in the Algerian legal order which released women from a series of servitudes. The separation between men and women in Algerian international migration is actually not fully relevant. It is of mainly historical interest since only men used to be able to travel. But the difference between men and women cannot explain, in itself, the diversity of Algerian migrations, especially in a country where the intellectual elite is mainly female and where socio-cultural differences based on social classes are more relevant than differences based on gender. Besides, it is important to address migration regarding couples, which enables an evaluation a priori of the probability that migrant couples (with or without children) will be integrated into Western society. Couples with Western culture from a high social class will easily adapt and Algerian woman will be able to share activities and social relations with Algerian or local populations. Couples of Arab-speaking culture and from a conservative social class will have huge difficulties in being integrated. Receiving countries have no reason to accept religious extremism, all the more since the national regulations of countries of origin mostly guarantee equality between men and women, have reformed their family code and have suppressed the most discriminatory provisions.
The views expressed in this report are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the PRTB. This document is not intended to be a legal interpretation of any existing legislation or to be a legal instruction in relation to procedure. In 2006 the Private Residential Tenancies Board entered into a partnership arrangement with the Centre for Housing Research and it is managing a number of research projects on behalf of the PRTB. Information on the Centre is available at www.chr.ie
