Suchergebnisse

This paper examines police officer perceptions of risk when using (often official police) social media sites. We argue that for police it is not the 'few observing the many' model of panoptic surveillance that matters most; rather, it is the synoptic gaze of the 'many observing the few' that matters most. We propose a new concept, that of synoptic prudentialism, which we argue involves an individual's or organization's reflexive actions and adjustments in response to an acute awareness of ubiquitous social surveillance. Interviews with officers serving in rural areas of an Atlantic Canadian province reveal expressions of vulnerability in relation to potentially antagonist audiences online. Also, from the perspective of front-line officers who express a desire to use social media more informally to connect with online audiences, bureaucratic procedures and other formal regulations governing official police social media use constrains the potential to harness the synoptic gaze in productive ways.

Cet article propose une approche originale pour appréhender la position sociale des ménages, susceptible d'améliorer la description et l'explication sociologiques de nombreux objets d'étude. Cette approche configurationnelle, qui repose sur l'usage successif d'analyse géométrique des données et de classifications, permet de prendre en compte à la fois plusieurs membres d'un ménage et plusieurs dimensions de la stratification sociale. Elle est appliquée à deux enquêtes nationales représentatives : « Trajectoires et origines » (TeO, Ined/Insee, 2008) et le « Panel d'élèves entrant dans le secondaire en 2007 » (DEPP-MEN). En plus des variables classiques comme la profession ou le niveau d'éducation, les configurations construites mettent en évidence le poids des variables résidentielles, ainsi que le rôle de la situation familiale et de l'origine migratoire dans la différentiation sociale des ménages. Pour finir, l'article démontre que les configurations ont un pouvoir explicatif supérieur à celui des approches classiques de la position sociale.

Cet article se propose d'aborder la recomposition des définitions sociales de la famille et des politiques familiales, en ayant comme objectif d'identifier les mécanismes et les logiques à l'oeuvre. Il montre tout d'abord dans quelle mesure les politiques sociales participent au renouvellement de ces définitions en produisant, par catégories et réglementations interposées, une certaine image de situations familiales particulières. C'est le cas des politiques à destination des « familles monoparentales ». Les auteurs montrent ici en quoi leur traitement social est le fruit de diverses logiques plus ou moins cohérentes. Toutefois, s'appuyant sur une catégorie, il occulte partiellement la réalité de ces situations. Cet article propose donc, dans un second temps, d'avancer dans les zones d'ombre laissées par les politiques familiales, afin d'appréhender ce que l'actuel traitement social ne permet guère de « penser », à savoir les phénomènes de recomposition de la famille.

"In the half-century before Poland's long-awaited political independence in 1918, anxiety surrounding the country's burgeoning sex industry fueled nearly constant public debate. The Devil's Chain is the first book to examine the world of commercial sex throughout the partitioned Polish territories, uncovering a previously hidden conversation about sexuality, gender propriety, and social class. Keely Stauter-Halsted situates the preoccupation with prostitution in the context of Poland's struggle for political independence and its difficult transition to modernity. She traces the Poles' growing anxiety about white slavery, venereal disease, and eugenics by examining the regulation of the female body, the rise of medical authority, and the role of social reformers in addressing the problem of paid sex"--

Why does support for mainstream parties decline? A growing literature points to economic loss as a source of political resentment. We bring this explanation one step further. We posit that the local economy qualifies the role of social capital in forging systemic support. When the economy thrives, social capital buffers discontent via interpersonal interactions. When the economy declines it exacerbates discontent, leading to a diffusion of grievances. We test our "networks of grievances" hypothesis in two settings. We first test our theory in Italy, which offers individual-level information together with fine-grained municipality-level social capital data. Second, we test the mechanism underlying our theory combining survey and local administrative data across 18 European countries. The results suggest that "networks of grievances" operate as channels of political discussions with peers, converting retrospective evaluations into systemic discontent bringing non-mainstream parties into voters' choice sets.

En este artículo se analiza la situación de pobreza y las redes sociales complejas en las que se puede encontrar inmerso el individuo; se estudia, por lo tanto, los vínculos —fuertes o débiles— para determinar el aprovechamiento que puede obtener de ellos. De estos lazos dependerá la posibilidad de salir de su círculo de pobreza. Lo anterior se fundamenta en investigaciones sobre la forma en la que las personas estrechan conexiones de comunicación y de apoyo —principalmente en circunstancias de emergencia, enfermedades, desastres naturales—; a partir de la teoría de redes sociales y la teoría de la complejidad, se reflexiona acerca de las relaciones y la forma en la que pueden aprovecharse para generar posibles soluciones a problemas sociales como la marginalidad, la miseria y la carencia de los recursos necesarios para satisfacer las necesidades de una población.

People increasingly engage in politics on social media, but does online engagement translate to offline engagement? Research is mixed with some suggesting how one uses the internet maters. We examine how political engagement on social media corresponds to offline engagement. Using data following the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election, we find the more politically engaged people are on social media, the more likely they are to engage offline across measures of engagement—formal and informal volunteering, attending local meetings, donating to and working for political campaigns, and voting. Findings offer important nuances across types of civic engagement and generations. Although online engagement corresponds to greater engagement offline in the community and may help narrow generational gaps, this should not be the only means to promote civic participation to ensure all have a voice and an opportunity to help, mobilize, and engage.

AbstractChina launched a new urbanisation programme for the period of 2014–2020. The new urbanisation programme will produce positive impacts on China's social and economic development through focusing on integrated urban and rural development, creating city clusters and promoting sustainable urban development. However, the new urbanisation programme may also bring some new social and economic problems, like widening the gap in urban development between different regions in China, leading to the formation of a new urban poor class, based on the current design and implementation. To minimise the negative effect, we suggest to better deal with the relationships between market and government and between economic and social development in the process of urbanisation. We argue that the key is to allow the market to determine the flows of capital, land and people in the process of urbanisation so as to achieve a sustainable development of China's urbanisation.

AbstractWe argue that social media are not only new communication channels in migration networks, but also that they actively transform the nature of these networks and thereby facilitate migration. Despite some limitations, which stem from the 'digital divide' and the lower trustworthiness of virtual ties, qualitative data reveal four relevant ways in which social media facilitate international migration. First, they enhance the possibilities of maintaining strong ties with family and friends. Second, they address weak ties that are relevant to organizing the process of migration and integration. Third, they establish a new infrastructure consisting of latent ties. Fourth, they offer a rich source of insider knowledge on migration that is discrete and unofficial. This makes potential migrants 'streetwise' when undertaking migration. Based on these empirical findings we conclude that social media are transforming migration networks and thereby lowering the threshold for migration.

Abstract A theoretical framework is provided to understand a cultural group's definition of and relationship with nature and the environment. The framework draws on a social constructionist perspective that includes aspects of phenomenology and symbolic interactionism to define "landscape" as the symbolic environment created by a human act of conferring meaning on nature and the environment. This landscape reflects the selfdefinitions of the people within a particular cultural context. Attention is directed to transformation of the physical environment into landscapes that reflect people's definitions of themselves and on how these landscapes are reconstructed in response to people's changing definitions of themselves. Case studies from sociology and anthropology illustrate the social construction of nature and the environment. A discussion of the applied implications of the theoretical framework in social impact assessment and the global implications in the shifting power struggle over competing landscapes concludes the paper.

Sacred in ecclesiastical terms is understood as something kept apart towards attainment of 'real' for the social group where real is transcendental. The group is generally considered as one unit, and, therefore, religion in this way becomes instrumental in attainment of higher end of all. Hinduism, when analysed as a religion, provides an epistemic reality of othering in the society and sacred text becomes basis for origin and continuation of peculiar social stratification in India. Looking in this way, Hinduism defies some universal characteristics assigned to the term 'religion', especially on the progressive count, and appears to be static and status quoist. This paper is an attempt to highlight such an aspect with the help of a meticulous and erudite analysis by Dr B. R. Ambedkar.

Abstract
This paper demonstrates that in Poland, a democratic state emphasizing the rule of law and equality under the law, we are dealing with the phenomenon of social (through legal) exclusion of transgender citizens. The paper presents the draft Act on Gender Recognition vetoed by the President of the Republic of Poland and the controversy associated with this fact. In addition, the consequences of the current legal status of transgender people in Poland, such as chronic and humiliating court proceedings and limited access to the health care system, have been identified. The paper attempts to demonstrate the indispensability of legislation in the field of gender recognition for the dignified, equitable social functioning of people with mental and biological gender incompatibility.

Resumo O objetivo do artigo é apontar a contribuição de Ricardo Benzaquen para o pensamento social por meio do estudo de seus métodos de análise. Optou-se por examinar, em particular, seus escritos sobre integralismo produzidos entre os anos 1970 e 1980 e o livro Guerra e paz: Casa-grande & senzala e a obra de Gilberto Freyre nos anos 30, publicado em 1994. São indicados pressupostos teóricos e encaminhamentos analíticos que balizam o trabalho do autor, e demonstra-se a consistente contribuição de Benzaquen à consolidação da área de pensamento social retomando o caminho trilhado por ele na definição de um método de análise que enriquece o conjunto de instrumentos disponíveis à reflexão dessa área.

<p>En este artículo se discute que la esfera pública es un espacio constituido por la interacción social, las prácticas discursivas y el medio (o medios) de comunicación. Se propone también que, en contraste con la polis griega donde la vida pública está en el ágora y en logos, y con la esfera pública del moderno Estado-nación que es un "espacio social" autónomo y diferenciado tanto del espacio privado, el cual ahora consiste en la esfera de lo íntimo, hoy día el espacio público se encuentra fragmentado en espacios comunicativamente estructurados. Por último, se adelanta la tesis de que la televisión crea una esfera pública que subvierte las tradicionales dicotomías público/privado, masculino/femenino.</p>