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New Zealand concerns regarding cultural heritage focus almost
exclusively on the indigenous Maori of that country. This article
includes discussion of the way in which New Zealand regulates the local
sale and export of Maori material cultural objects. It examines recent
proposals to reform this system, including allowing Maori custom to
determine ownership of newly found objects.A major development in New Zealand law concerns the role of a quasi-judicial body, the Waitangi Tribunal. Many tribunal decisions have contained lengthy discussions of Maori taonga (cultural treasures) and of alleged past misconduct by former governments and their agents in relation to such objects and Maori cultural heritage in general.As is the case with legal systems elsewhere, New Zealand seeks to reconcile the claims of its indigenous peoples with other priorities, such as economic development and environmental protection. Maori concerns have led to major changes in New Zealand heritage conservation law. A Maori Heritage Council now acts to ensure that places and sites of Maori interest will be protected. The council also plays a role in mediating conflicting interests of Maori and others, such as scientists, in relation to the scientific investigation of various sites.Despite these developments, New Zealand has yet to sign the 1970 UNESCO Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import, Export, and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property. The changes proposed to New Zealand cultural property law have yet to be implemented, and there is evidence of uncertainty about the extent to which protecting indigenous Maori rights can be reconciled with the development of a national cultural identity and the pursuit of universal concerns, such as sustainable development.

IN THE EARLY 1990S, THE AUTHOR WAS INVOLVED WITH COMMUNITY ORGANIZING EFFORTS IN LOS ANGELES. SHE WORKED WITH A BROAD-BASED GROUP OF LOCAL ACTIVISTS WHO CAME TOGETHER TO DEFEND ACCESS TO ABORTION CLINICS, PROMOTE UNIVERSAL HEALTH CARE COVERAGE, LOBBY FOR ANTI-DISCRIMINATION PROTECTIONS FOR GAYS AND LESBIANS, OPPOSE THE PRIVATIZATION OF PUBLIC SCHOOLS AND CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE RESTRICTION OF RIGHTS AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR IMMIGRANTS. MANY OF HER FELLOW ACTIVISTS HAD SPENT SEVERAL YEARS IN THE CLINIC DEFENSE MOVEMENT, ORGANIZING THOUSANDS OF VOLUNTEERS TO DEFEND WOMEN'S HEALTH CLINICS AGAINST DEMONSTRATORS WHO BLOCKED CLINIC ENTRANCES IN ATTEMPTS TO PHYSICALLY AND VERBALLY DISSUADE WOMEN FROM OBTAINING ABORTIONS.

IN THIS ARTICLE, THE AUTHOR INTRODUCES SOME INTERVENTIONARY MEDIA ACTIVITIES SHE'S BEEN INVOLVED WITH IN AUSTRALIA; ACTIVITIES WHOSE INTENTION HAS BEEN TO BROADEN PUBLIC DISCOURSE, INFILTRATE CONSCIOUSNESS, AND ENGAGE WITH THE ZEITGEIST. SHE FOCUSES ON MEDIA WORK AROUND THREE ISSUES: THE DEFENSE OF ABORIGINAL LAND RIGHTS, THE LABOR DISPUTE ON AUSTRALIAN DOCKS AND THE UNQUESTIONED PRIVILEGES ACCORDED HETEROSEXUALITY. SOME OF THE ACTIVITIES ARE IN THE SERVICE OF DEADLY SERIOUS CAMPAIGNS TO SHIFT SOCIAL ATTITUDES, INFLUENCE VOTING BEHAVIOR AND ALARM POLITICIANS WITH INTIMATIONS OF THE SAME.

The reflection & reproduction of class relations in higher education are discussed via case studies from the U of Nebraska at Omaha. Work & wages are critical in the lives of working-class students. They tend to opt out of a liberal education in favor of vocationally oriented education that has short-term, but not necessarily long-term, economic benefits. This choice reproduces their working-class status & hampers upward mobility, because it does not broaden their economic perspective & cultural knowledge as does a liberal education. Universities abet this evasion, especially with their increasingly bureaucratic organization & tendency to organize students into blocks for mass consumption. 3 References. M. Pflum