Suchergebnisse

Roland Erne's view of transnational trade union networks challenges the assertion that no realistic prospect exists for remedying the European Union's democratic deficit--that is, its domination by corporate interests and lack of a cohesive European...

Transnational migration and the politics of multiculturalism, despite all their discrepancies, are making the cultural dimensions more and more important, as the cultural rights of minorities and immigrants are becoming an essential part of citizenship. The article questions transnational cultural practices in relation to citizenship by exploring two waves of the Lithuanian and other East European emigration to the USA of two periods – after the WWII and after the Cold War. Based on the ethnographic fieldwork done in Chicago in 2006 and 2013 two patterns of transnational culture are revealed – diasporic (homeland) nationalism as well as cultural citizenship. It is sought to prove that the first pattern is shaped in the form of ethno-cultural community in exile and based on the imperative 'to save the national culture' which became under siege in homeland, while the second pattern is enacted as inter-ethnic networking, and it is based on social remittances and habits of moral economy brought from the post-socialist Eastern Europe.

AbstractStudies of Brazilian Nikkeis (Japanese emigrants and their descendants) living in Japan tend to conceptualize 'family' and 'nation' as two distinct entities. Such distinctions are filtered through mutually exclusive discourses and understandings of national and ethnic identity. In this article, however, I view national attachments and migrant experiences in Japan through the lens of ideology, embodied experience and kinship relations. Treating national ideology as lived process sheds fresh light on the dynamics of state—society relations in transnational social spaces. I suggest that the ability of Brazilian state actors to impose social, moral and economic regulation on its citizens in Japan is compromised by the extent to which such discourses are ontologically grounded in the social relations of migrant family life. It is through these kin ties, I argue, that people set the tone and rules of play for state interests to encroach or otherwise on their everyday lives in these transnational social spaces.

Over the past decade the perceived 'threat' of transnational organised crime (TOC) to the security of western political economies has become a principal issue on the agendas of key international forums such as the United Nations, G7/8 elite industrial countries and the Council of Europe. The intense policy activity around this threat is indicative of a key trend in post-Cold War international relations, that is, the reorientation of western security, intelligence and defence agencies toward crime control. Risk assessments and research evidence provided by international relations departments in higher education institutions, especially in the USA, have been particularly influential in providing the rationale for this reorientation. It is argued here, however, that there is a danger of intellectuals being drawn into the legitimisation of policies the terms of which are defined for them rather than by them. This jeopardises the critical contribution which academic research can make to policy change and learning, in particular it precludes a more reflexive approach to 'evidence-based' government. The paper draws upon discourse analysis and the study of 'governmentality' to develop a more reflexive interrogation of the assumptions underpinning this policy-shift in post-Cold War international relations. This is exemplified through an analysis of the two principal competing discourses on the threat of TOC and these are distinguished in terms of their focus on 'criminologies of the other' and 'criminologies of the self'. The former narrates threats to security in terms of external, nationally and ethnically defined, pressures. The later perceive threats more in terms of the internal challenges now facing 'sovereign' governments struggling to command highly diverse, dynamic and complex social-political problems like organised crime. The ways in which these competing discourses constrain and enable alternative policy responses to TOC are examined.

It is commonplace for observers to see the increasingly prominent role of the BRICS in international economic and political affairs as a Southern challenge to global capitalism and the power of the core Trilateral nation-states. Extant accounts remain mired in a tenacious realist debate over the extent to which the BRICS are challenging the prevailing international order. I suggest that we shift the paradigmatic focus in discussion of the BRICS phenomenon towards a global capitalism perspective that breaks with such a nation-state/inter-state framework. Global integration and transnational capitalist class formation has advanced significantly in the BRICS. BRICS protagonism is aimed less at challenging the prevailing international order than at opening up space in the global system for more extensive integration and a less asymmetric global capitalism. The article examines agricultural subsidies, US–China relations and international trade agreements as empirical reference points in arguing that the concept of the transnational state provides a more satisfying explanatory framework for understanding the BRICS phenomenon than the variety of realist approaches. By misreading the BRICS critical scholars and the global left run the risk of becoming cheerleaders for repressive states and transnational capitalists in the South. We would be better off by a denouement of the BRICS states and siding with 'BRICS from below' struggles of popular and working class forces.

This book approaches Australo-German relations from comparative and interdisciplinary perspectives. It maps new pathways into the rich landscape of the Australo-German transnational encounter, which is characterized by dense and interwoven cultural, historical and political terrains. Surveying an astonishingly wide range of sites from literary translations to film festivals, Aboriginal art to education systems, the contributions offer a uniquely expansive dossier on the migrations of people, ideas, technologies, money and culture between the two countries. The links between Australia and Germany are explored from a variety of new, interdisciplinary perspectives, and situated within key debates in literary and cultural studies, critical theory, politics, linguistics and transnational studies. The book gathers unique contributions that span the areas of mig ration, aboriginality, popular culture, music, media and institutional structures to create a dynamic portrait of the exchanges between these two nations over time. Australo-German relations have emerged from intersecting histories of colonialism, migration, communication, tourism and socio-cultural representation into the dramatically changed twenty-first century, where traditional channels of connection between nations in the Western hemisphere have come undone, but new channels ensure cross-fertilization between newly constituted borders

ABSTRACTThe return of refugees and displaced persons has been a strong priority in the international commitment to reverse "ethnic cleansing" in Bosnia and Herzegovina after the war. Return and reintegration of refugees as a durable solution in profoundly changed and uncertain conditions are rarely unproblematic, and in Bosnia the sustainability of such returns, especially minority returns, remains of great concern. This article examines the strategies of return which Bosnian refugees adopt given such uncertainties, and points to the transnational space in which they occur. The return strategies described are of different duration, often take place outside of established policies and programmes, and are based on the need to keep options open in different places. While policies have tended to define refugee return as a single and definitive move to the country or place of origin, the transnational perspective suggests that return be better conceptualized as a dynamic and open‐ended process, one which may extend over long periods of time, involving mobility between places and active links to people and resources in the country of asylum. Transnational strategies also include the many refugees abroad who hold on to their repossessed houses in Bosnia and visit regularly, some of them for longer periods and in preparation for returning permanently at a later date. In such a transnational dynamic, refugees and returnees are not always clear‐cut categories, as both may move between and combine resources at both ends. The transnational perspective also throws into question notions of "home" as something bound to one particular locality or national community. If home is not just a place or a physical structure, but also a site of social relations and cultural meanings, it may well extend to several places, each one of which may hold its own particular sets of relations and meanings to those concerned. This transnational dimension of home is thus a challenge to notions of "repatriation" or "return" in the simplistic mode. Instead, as this paper shows, the reconstructed home may be translocal, where each locality becomes part of a new home. Rethinking return of refugees in terms of transnational mobility and belonging also suggests new ways of conceptualizing the potential for reconstruction of a large refugee population abroad. How policies and assistance programmes may capitalize on the skills and continued transnational engagements, not least of the many young Bosnians now acquiring higher education abroad, has yet to be developed.

This study examines processes of transnational alliance-building among political parties in the European Union (EU). It is associated with theories of transnational relations, neofunctionalist integration theory and domestic politics approaches to international co-operation and integration. The overall aim of the study is to contribute to the understanding and growth of knowledge of transnational party alliances, thereby expanding the field of party research. The author attempts to fulfil this aim through an in-depth analysis of the hard-won alliance between Conservatives and Christian Democrats in the European Parliament (EP), entered into by the British and Danish Conservatives in May 1992 and renewed after the 1994 European elections. What factors promote, respectively impede, the formation and evolution of a transnational party alliance such as this? A differentiation is made between three categories of process mechanisms by the causal roles they play, namely opportunities, motives and constraints. Factors are addressed under each category. A number of constraining factors on transnational alliance-building among political parties are traced and analysed. The domestic arenas of party politics are brought into the analysis to help us understand alliances in the European arenas. National parties appear to be anxious about their ideological identities and their autonomy, in the sense of freedom of action. Despite the constraints, political parties prove to be keen on entering into transnational alliances for different motives. They strengthen their capacity for action by building transnational channels for access and influence. By striking alliances in the light of threats posed by countervailing forces, they maximise their parliamentary influence. Tracing and analysing opportunities for such alliances, attention is paid to catalysts related to leadership changes, institutional changes and changes in the international environment. The analysis shows that the enhanced powers of the EP have had a major catalytic effect on transnational alliance-building among political parties in the EU. Patterns of informal integration are thereby established in response to changes in formal institutions.

Transnational Perspectives on Democracy, Citizenship, Human Rights and Peace Education considers ways in which national systems of education could work together, across borders, to determine the meaning and significance of the principles of democracy, human rights and peace education, in ways that are comparative and relational. The contributors and editors (Mary Drinkwater, Fazal Rizvi and Karen Edge) argue that in an era of globalization, collaborative investigations are crucial for developing an understanding of rights, democracy and peace that is transnationally inflected, and through which national systems of education hold each other accountable. The chapters address issues such as citizenship, identity, language, conflict and peace-building, global educational policy, and democratic approaches to policy and education issues of democracy, human rights and peace education through analyses of case studies, research findings and policy initiatives drawn from countries in the global north and south. The book also includes a companion website with supplementary reading materials and discussion questions based on key issues emerging from the chapters

"In the decades following the American Revolution, literary and cultural discourses, but also American collective and individual identification were shaped by transatlantic relations and inter-American exchanges and conflicts. The way Americans defined themselves as a nation and as individuals was shaped by such historical events and social issues as the Haitian Revolution, the struggles for independence in Spanish America, ties with Caribbean slave economies, and rivalries with other colonial powers in the Americas. Contextualizing transatlantic and inter-American relations within a framework of the Western Hemisphere, the essays collected in this volume discuss inter-American relations in the early United States, and in American, European and Spanish-American writing of the period."--

Erster Teil: Die Aneignung des Erbes -- 1. Kapitel: Deutschsein nach Auschwitz -- 2. Kapitel: Das gespaltene Land -- 3. Kapitel: Wirtschaftskrise -- 4. Kapitel: Zerstrittene Demokratie -- Zweiter Teil: Auf der Suche nach der Zukunft -- 5. Kapitel: Jugend zwischen Angst und Hoffnung -- 6. Kapitel: Anders leben mit neuen Werten -- 7. Kapitel: Jugend im anderen Teil Deutschlands -- 8. Kapitel Eine deutsch-französische Identität? -- Ausblick -- Methodisch-bibliographische Anmerkungen.

A reconceptualization of Germanness, combined with a reconsideration of what constitutes "Germanness" and "Turkishness" and how they are linked, is a central theme in the programs of a younger generation of Turkish German cabaret artists and comedians. As a member of the new generation of performers, Serdar Somuncu stands out, not only for his unapologetic embrace of political theater critical of both German and Turkish social politics, but also for his assertion of a right and responsibility to engage with Germany's past, coupled with an insistence on differentiation and balanced comparison when discussing integration. After gaining notoriety through his Mein Kampf readings, Somuncu launched a series of programs highlighting Germany's failure to come to terms with Nazism, the persistence of ethnic stereotypes, the debilitating influence of mass media, and the necessity of a reciprocal process of integration. As a German citizen of Turkish heritage, well versed in the socio-political issues that unite and divide the two countries and zealous in his efforts to incite mutually informed, critical reflection on Turkish German relations, Somuncu has contributed to the transformation of the German comedy stage into a site of transnational intervention.