Suchergebnisse

The article is devoted to the study of the role of General P. Kh. Wittgenstein in confrontation with Napoleonic France during the Russian army's foreign campaign of 1813–1814. The defeat of Napoleon's army in Russia necessitated the continuation of hostilities outside the Russian Empire in order to prevent the restoration of the "Great Army" and neutralize the allies of France. Emphasized on the regularity of the appointment of P. H. Wittgenstein as a commander-in-chief after the death of M. I. Kutuzov, because he was the most successful military commander in 1812. The battle way of the corps of General P. Kh. Wittgenstein in the battles of the fall of 1813 – the spring of 1814 on the territory of Germany and France is highlighted. The direct course of the key battles of 1813 (near Lutzen, Bautzen, Dresden, and Leipzig), which was decisive in the confrontation with the Sixth Coalition with Napoleonic France, is examined in detail. The author shares the opinion of some researchers that the presence of Emperor Alexander I at the headquarters of the commander-in-chief hindered his actions and did not allow him to be more independent in the making decisions, which was led to the failure of the Union Army. At the same time, the release of General P. H. Wittgenstein and the appointment of commander-in-chief of the Austrian Schwarzenberg was more a political step than the result of previous failures of the Allied army. According to the author, it was undisputed that the body of the P. H. Wittgenstein played a leading role in the allied army, and in particular the first to broke into Dresden after the "battle of the nations" near Leipzig. The little-known details of the fighting of General P. H. Wittgenstein's corps in winter-spring 1814 in France were also traced. It was concluded that the circumstances that emerged at the final stage of the Napoleonic wars did not allow P. Kh. Wittgenstein fully reveal his art of warlord. ; Стаття присвячена дослідженню ролі генерала П. Х. Вітгенштейна у протистоянні з наполеонівською Францією під час закордонного походу російської армії 1813–1814 рр. Розкрито обставини його призначення та наступного звільнення з посади головнокомандувача союзних пруссько-російських військ. Висвітлено бойовий шлях корпусу генерала П. Х. Вітгенштейна у битвах восени 1813 – навесні 1814 рр. на території Німеччини і Франції. Зроблено висновок про те, що обставини, які складалися на завершальному етапі наполеонівських війн, не дозволили П. Х. Вітгенштейну сповна виявити його мистецтво воєначальника.

This research endeavors to critically study the state-building inter-vention in Afghanistan since the collapse of the Taliban regime in late 2001. By analyzing field interviews collected from six large Af-ghan provinces, this dissertation, in particular, explores an alterna-tive state governmental design at the central level, and examines the role of elected provincial councils for decentralization at the sub-national level in Afghanistan. Since the Bonn conference in 2001, the Afghan ethnopolitical elites are divided between the Pashtuns for a heavy centralized presidential state system, and the non-Pashtuns (mainly Tajik, Hazara, and Uz-bek) for semi-presidential parliamentarism, among them some advo-cates for parliamentary federalism. While the 2004 Afghan constitu-tion adopted a heavy unitary centralized state system. In practice, it continued an ethnopolitical elite power-sharing government agreed upon at the December 2001 Bonn conference. The findings of this study reveal that implementing a non-ethnic-party and merit-based democratically elected unitary government as envisioned in the 2004 Afghan constitution, would neither be accepted by the various ethnic groups and parties nor would it be backed by the regional and inter-national partner countries. A complete federal option also fails to have majority Afghan support, nor is it suitable for a geographically and socio-politically complex, and economically weak Afghanistan. The National Unity Government (NUG) model in place since 2014 – a somewhat semi-presidential system – has not been successful, and the lack of a strong political party system also weakens the ar-guments for adopting semi-presidentialism. If peace, social justice, political stability, good governance, economic development, and na-tional integration is the optimum goal for system change, Afghans need to adopt a unitary ethnic grand-coalition at the center, (a presi-dent with three vice-presidents with no constitutional pre-specifica-tion of ethnic status for these executive posts) and a moderate decen-tralized administration at the sub-national level. This dissertation also finds that the Afghan elected Provincial Councils (PC) in place since 2005 are constitutionally week and in some instances dominated by warlords and drug mafias. Nevertheless, they have proved significant to local governance in rural Afghanistan, improving political awareness, the mobilization and participation of women, government legitimacy, democracy, and economic development. If the Afghan government ever managed to make peace with the Taliban, curbed warlordism and corruption, then for implementing decentralization, the Afghan PCs are the most feasible democratic institution to build on.

Right from the time of decolonisation, followed by end of cold war, subsahara Africa has enjoyed a relative peace. This is due to continued civil wars that still exist in some parts of the continent. The preliminary research on this topic found that the Subsahara Africa appears to have an abundant supply of illegal Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALWs) such as AK-47, which are supposed to be exclusively owned and used by the military, police officers or other security agencies in the region. In Liberia, the emergence of domestic conflicts fleared up by warlords and warlordism during the reign of ex presiedent Charles Taylor that led to the rampant use of SALWs in conflict areas. Nonetheless, the threat of illegal supply of SALWs has not been placed under International security priorities. In fact, illegal production, transfer and possession of firearms are considered only as criminal activities. This thesis has an important question; to what extent the circulation and the illicit proliferation of SALWs have posed a threat to Liberian national security? The major assumption is that the illicit proliferation of SALWs in Liberia's conflict areas such as Monrovia, Nimba county, and Mano River basin, threatened not only its national but rather regional and continental security because it became a base for nurtruing radicalist minds like Al-queada. Thus, this research aims firstly to analyse SAWLs proliferations in Africa and Liberia and secondly to analyse the capability of the regionals state (ECOMOG), African Unione, international bodies like UN how it responsended to those threats. This research used quantitative methods by using primary as well as secondary data as major sources of references. Primary data gathered were from government official documents as well and some scholars on the issue. The findings of the research show that the illicit proliferation of SALWs has threatened wide range of national security at three levels: individual, societal and state and as well as at Continental and International level. Furthermore, this thesis concludes that the Liberia's national legislations on SALWs are insufficient to regulate and control SALWs proferation. Hence, the research suggests that Liberia should accept the assistance offered by the: Regional Programmes on SALW, Proper disarmament and rehabilitation, Role of African Unione and European Unione, United Nations Programme of Action (UNPOA) to update and develop its national legislation on the illicit proliferation of SALWs.

Transnationalism has been recognized as an important aspect of international relations for several decades. It has recently also become an important factor in the analysis of conflict, helping to provide explanations for and definitions of conflict that link local incidents of violence to broader social, political and economic developments in the world order. Important transnational aspects of collective armed violence are population displacement and the role of diasporas; state-based transnational conflict networks; and international terrorism and crime. Three conflict areas that claimed international attention in 2006 and most starkly demonstrate transnational dimensions of modern conflict are Afghanistan, the Middle East and Somalia. In Afghanistan the main transnational element of the conflict was the Taliban's ability to operate from bases in neighbouring Pakistan -- an allegation that has been contested by the Pakistani Government but is otherwise generally accepted as fact. The conflict involving Israel, the Palestinian territories and Lebanon illustrated the greater role of regional and transnational conflict networks and the link between state and non-state actors, as both Hamas in the Palestinian territories and Hezbollah in Lebanon received political, ideological and practical support from states such as Iran and Syria. Recognition was given to the interlinked nature of the conflicts in the Middle East by British Prime Minister Tony Blair in his call for a 'Whole Middle East Strategy' to resolve the problems of the region. In Somalia violent battles and humanitarian crises caused scores of civilian casualties and led to widespread population displacement. The inability of the Transitional Federal Government to extend its control throughout the country enabled the Union of Islamic Courts to broaden its influence, at first challenged only by US -- supported Mogadishu warlords. Devoid of any state authority to impose internal order and to counter destructive external influences, Somalia provided a base where transnational criminal and terrorist interests could intersect. The international Somali diaspora continues to affect the conflict in various ways, and large Somali refugee populations outside the country may also be a destabilizing factor. A growing awareness of the transnational character of security issues in 2006, the urgent need to counter the negative aspects of this phenomenon and the potential for making positive use of transnational actors and influences to promote conflict resolution and peacebuilding all suggest that, in the future, finding ways to address transnational aspects of conflict will be high on the international policy agenda. Adapted from the source document.

In 2003 there were 19 major armed conflicts in 18 locations worldwide, the lowest number for the post-cold war period with the exception of 1997, when 18 such conflicts were registered. Only two of the 19 conflicts were fought between states: the conflict between Iraq and the multinational coalition led by the United States and the United Kingdom and the long-standing conflict between India and Pakistan over Kashmir. Four of the 19 conflicts were in Africa and eight in Asia. The principal source of major armed conflict in contemporary politics remains intra-state. The persistence of intra-state wars, and their resistance to quick solutions, was amply reflected in 2003. Longstanding conflicts in Colombia and Israel continued, despite the introduction of more offensive military strategies by the government parties in each country. While a more aggressive military stance thwarted opposition attacks and may have contributed to the reduction in fatalities in Colombia and Israel in 2003, it severely hampered efforts to facilitate progress toward peace in both. The volatility of individual intra-state conflicts was sharply brought to the fore in 2003. The potential for sudden and rapid escalation of intensity was evident in conflicts such as Burundi, Cote d'Ivoire, Indonesia, Liberia and the Philippines. This was also demonstrated in Afghanistan, a conflict that resists neat classification as 'inter' or 'intra-state'. Taliban fighters regrouping and emerging out of Pakistan were increasingly active in 2003 against the US-led coalition in south-eastern Afghanistan. While the USA and its allies continued its campaign to root out al-Qaeda forces, the Afghan Transitional Authority, under President Hamid Karzai, sought to exert authority over Afghanistan's powerful warlords and prepare the country for national elections in September 2004. The current international focus on the threat of terrorism continues to affect the conduct of intra-state conflicts and, in cases such as Indonesia and the Philippines, is directly impacting on the strategies, intensity and course of these conflicts. The year 2003 demonstrated that intra-state conflicts can be brought to an end only through sustained and comprehensive external engagement. Outside actors cannot enforce peace on a state, as cases as diverse as Cote d'Ivoire, Iraq and Sri Lanka demonstrated. However, external assistance, mediation and support is vital to help bring warring parties to a negotiated end to conflict. Peace agreements in Liberia and Sudan in 2003 were forceful reminders of this. Adapted from the source document.

Table of Contents Acknowledgements Preface Introduction A Critique of Current Methods Embargoes Blockades Tariffs and Quotas Subsidies and Dumping Other Trade Sanctions Exchange Rate Manipulation Leveraging Humanitarian Aid Summary PART I: SUPPLY MANIPULATION Creating Shortages of Supplies Blockade Example: The Ostrogoths Sack Rome Supply Channel Example: The United States Civil War The Impact of Specific Supplies Strategic Targeting Creating Shortages of Capital Assets Funding Sources Trade Example: The Cold War Commercial Funding Example: Al Qaeda Reactions to Capital Shortages Creating Shortages of Human Assets Skilled and Unskilled Labor Skilled Labor Example: Nazi Germany and the Atomic Bomb Hiring Local Nationals Human Resource Management Physical Confrontation Measuring their Incentive to Attack Strategies in Anticipating Attack Resource Consumption Example: 23rd Headquarters Special Troops Strategies in Reacting to Attack Resource Infiltration Example: Merchant Raiders Systempunkt Targets Resource Mapping and Systempunkt Identification Systempunkt Example: Operation Pastorius Limitations and Failures of Supply Manipulation Market Destruction Black Market Trade Suggestions for Future Research PART II: TRADE MANIPULATION Preliminary Concept - Terms of Trade Definition and Application Implications of Altering Terms of Trade Industries to Target Preclusive Purchasing Altering Price and Supply Tungsten Example: Nazi Germany Optimizing Strategy Resource Appropriation The Value of Supplies Trade Example: Chinese Warlords Supply Exploitations Anticipating Black Markets Supply Exploitation Example: The Second Sack of Rome Secondary Impacts Tactical Hiring Labor Market Wage Equilibrium Altering Capital Ownership Social Dynamics Tactical Pricing Predatory Pricing Taking Advantage of Tariffs and Subsidies Price Discrimination War Profiteering Example: Waste and Fraud during OIF/OEF 'Insider Trading' Trade Agreements Finding Potential Partners Terms of Partnership Loyalty Currency Manipulation Currency Value Manipulation Currency Liquidation Example: China's Reserve of US Dollars Diverting Foreign Currencies Diverting Local Currencies Counterfeiting Altering Value of Demand Altering Value of Supply Limitations and Failures of Trade Manipulation Time Elasticity Problems Legal Concerns Suggestions for Future Research PART III: MARKET MANIPULATION Economic Intelligence Analyzing Economic Fluctuations Price Analysis Example: Black Market Diamonds in Nazi Germany Predicting Behaviors Based on Resources Counterintelligence Corporate Misinformation Example: Board of Economic Warfare Economics Style Information Warfare Controlling Enemy Example: 23rd Headquarters Special Troops Labor Exploitations Labor Disruptions Work Stoppages: Nazi Germany Expropriating Peoples Providing Honorable Option to Change Sides Conquered by Choice Example: Alexander the Great Westernization Culture Shock Example: The Wal-Mart Effect Equity and Debt Engineering Altering Ownership Structure Leveraging Key Industries and Businesses Equilibrium Redirection Increased Resource Consumption Employment Redistribution Decision Management Modeling Regional Statistical Variation Modeling Decision Management Optimization Resource-Based View of Warfare Combat Progress Model Implications of Model Relationship to Incentive Model Limitations and Problems with Market Manipulation Suggestions for Future Research Conclusion Summary Ethical Concerns Potential and Plans for Future Research Future Frontiers Afterword Index

Рассматривается военное дело служилых татар Русского государства XV-XVII вв. как европейских, так и сибирских территориальных групп. С привлечением комплексных источников и имеющихся в историографии работ охарактеризованы оружейный комплекс, тактика татар, их место в общевойсковой организации, тактическом искусстве и стратегии русских военачальников. Показано, что служилые татары составляли часть поместной конницы и были легковооружёнными лучниками. ; The article considers the art of warfare of serving Tatars of Russian state in XV-XVII centuries. This theme is insufficiently designed in historiography. The reasons of this were the scarcity of sources base and similarity of warfare of serving Tatars with the warfare of another peoples of the East Europe of this period. The study is based on the analysis of writing and material sources, with drawing of art materials. The author considered the following aspects of warfare of Moscow kingdom's Tatars: military organization and location in Russian army, weapons and armor, basic tactics of Tatars, location of serving Tatars in tactic and strategy of Russian warlords. The serving Tatars were divided into several local groups. Among them there were princes, dukes, mirzas and kazaks (simple warriors). In the mobilization, Tatarian dukes and Tatarian heads (special chiefs of serving Tatars from Russian, more rarely from Tatars) were going and collecting kazaks. After the arrival to the gathering place for troops, the higher commanders were distributing Tatarian contingents into hundreds (sotnia) that were submitted to Tatarian heads. Serving Tatars of the European part of Russia were the light cavalry. Their basic weapons were the Tatarian type's bow and arrows. The armor was uncommon. Wealthy Tatars also had sabers and broadsword. the spears and maces («shestoper») were rarely used. The hand firearms was uncharacteristic for serving Tatars (in Siberia in XVII century, perhaps, it was more common, and Tatars could get it from the «treasury»). In Siberia serving Tatars in XVII century (as well as another serving men) often used armor that was due to the peculiarities of warfare of neighboring peoples and preserving the local production base. The chain armour prevailed (several examples kept safe in museum and private collections), but also the brigan-dine occured (it was local production or import). The serving Tatars were used in the same areas that the «pomestnaya konnitsa» (feudal cavalry of Moscow kingdom): participation in battles, exploration, capture of prisoners, sabotage, border service. In the battle the Tatars preferred to fight at long distance by bows, avoiding hand-to-hand. The tactics was traditionally for nomadic peoples: the coverage of the enemy from the flanks and rear, the shelling, "Tatarian dance" (annular structure nomads for doing archery combat at medium and short ranges), the false retreat with counterattack. In certain situations Tatars came into close combat with sabers, sometimes on foot position.