Suchergebnisse

International audience ; In Frankreich haben die Aktivitäten zur Verbesserung der Lebensbedingungen der älteren Menschen haben erhebliche institutionelle Veränderungen mit der Dezentralisie-rung in 1982-1983 durchgeführt erlebt. Obwohl der Staat behält bestimmte Ex Fähigkei-ten haben Abteilungen eine Schlüsselrolle, und Gemeinden können gegebenenfalls ande-re Maßnahmen zu initiieren. ; [In France, the activities devoted to the improvement of the living arrangements of elderly underwent an important institutional change owing to the decentralization which waspromoted in the years 1982-1983. Even though the state still retains a number of powers, departments (local governments) play an essentiel part, and cities can, optionally, initiate other actions.] ; En France, les activités pour l'amélioration des conditions de vie des personnes âgées ont connu un changement institutionnel important avec la décentralisation effectuée en 1982-1983. Même si l'État conserve en la matière certaines compétences, les départements ont un rôle essentiel, et les communes peuvent, de façon facultative, enga-ger diverses actions.

International audience ; In Frankreich haben die Aktivitäten zur Verbesserung der Lebensbedingungen der älteren Menschen haben erhebliche institutionelle Veränderungen mit der Dezentralisie-rung in 1982-1983 durchgeführt erlebt. Obwohl der Staat behält bestimmte Ex Fähigkei-ten haben Abteilungen eine Schlüsselrolle, und Gemeinden können gegebenenfalls ande-re Maßnahmen zu initiieren. ; [In France, the activities devoted to the improvement of the living arrangements of elderly underwent an important institutional change owing to the decentralization which waspromoted in the years 1982-1983. Even though the state still retains a number of powers, departments (local governments) play an essentiel part, and cities can, optionally, initiate other actions.] ; En France, les activités pour l'amélioration des conditions de vie des personnes âgées ont connu un changement institutionnel important avec la décentralisation effectuée en 1982-1983. Même si l'État conserve en la matière certaines compétences, les départements ont un rôle essentiel, et les communes peuvent, de façon facultative, enga-ger diverses actions.

A review essay on three books by: William Bloom, Personal Identity, National Identity and International Relations (Cambridge: Cambridge U Press, 1990); Michael A. Hogg & Dominic Abrams, Social Identifications. A Social Psychology of Intergroup Relations and Group Processes (London: Routledge, 1988); & Anne Norton, Reflections on Political Identity (Baltimore, Md: Johns Hopkins U Press, 1988 [see listings in IRPS No. 65]). Focus is on the concept of identity formation as it relates to peace, war, & nationalism. It is contended that social groups need to establish a positively valued distinctiveness from other groups in order to provide members with a positive identity, & that this process contributes to the health of both the individual & society. These three books offer the student of identity formation a possible starting point for empirical, culture-oriented research. 8 References. Adapted from the source document.

FOR SEVERAL DECADES, NUCLEAR DETERRENCE THEORISTS HAVE DEBATED THE RELATIVE IMPORTANCE OF RATIONALITY AND PSYCHOLOGY IN EXPLAINING THE BEHAVIOR OF NATIONAL POLICY MAKERS DURING INTERNATIONAL CRISES. R. HARRISON WAGNER HAS CASTIGATED PSYCHOLOGICAL CRITICS FOR IGNORING RECENT ADVANCES IN GAME THEORY THAT PROVIDE A MEANS TO INCORPORATE MISPERCEPTION AND OTHER PSYCHOLOGICAL FACTORS INTO RATIONAL MODELS OF DETERRENCE SITUATIONS. IN THIS PAPER, THE AUTHOR CONTESTS WAGNER'S ASSERTION THAT THIS LINK CAN BEST BE ACHIEVED BY SIGNALLING GAME MODELS OF NUCLEAR AND OTHER FORMS OF DETERRENCE. INSTEAD, HE ARGUES THAT CONTINUED RELIANCE ON THESE MODELS WILL WIDEN THE GAP BETWEEN RATIONAL DETERRENCE THEORISTS AND THEIR CRITICS. ALTHOUGH SIGNALLING GAME MODELS CONTRIBUTE TO A BETTER UNDERSTANDING OF THE RATIONAL BASIS OF DETERRENCE THEORY, THESE SAME MODELS DIVERT ATTENTION FROM ALTERNATIVE APPROACHES THAT OFFER MORE PROMISE FOR LINKING FORMAL MODELS AND EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS.

Most of the critical commentary on Nicaraguan poet Rubén Dario has been called forth and shaped by his being a seminal pan-Latin American and an international literary figure. Less known is the fact that for more than a century, Darío has been the focus of a much contested discourse concerning national cultural identity within Nicaragua itself. Comprehending this more limited and focused discourse requires carefully analyzing the changing cultural-political constructions that Darío's fellow Nicaraguans have placed upon his life and work, and especially the role of ideology in those constructs. Such analysis can also offer insight into the role of focal Latin American cultural figures in the negotiation of national cultural identity, especially during periods of dramatic political transformation, crisis, and reconstruction like the Somoza era (1936–1979) and the Sandinista Revolution (1961–1989).

Beginning with Mueller's (1970) seminal work, researchers have wrestled with explanations of the movement of presidential approval over time. In his initial argument, Mueller states thatin tandem, the concepts underlying the coalition of minorities and rally round the flag variables predict that the president's popularity will continually decline over time and that international crises and similar events will explain short-term bumps and wiggles in this otherwise inexorable descent. (1970, 22)From this basis, Mueller posits "… a general downward trend in each president's popularity" (1970, 19) that is linear and deterministic over the course of a term. Others later moved away from arguments of linearity (e.g., Stimson 1976) and from the coalition of minorities concept (e.g., Kemell 1978), but these early characterizations of approval's time path, perpetuated in the "myth of the inexorable descent," remain to this day.

IRAQ'S INVASION OF KUWAIT ON 2 AUGUST 1990 CAME AS A SURPROSE FOR BOTH THE MIDDLE EAST COUNTRIES AND THE WORLD COMMUNITY AS A WHOLE. IT IS NOW CLEAR THAT THE AGGRESSIVENESS OF THE IRAQI REGIME AND ITS READINESS FOR A NEW, LARGE-SCALE PROVOCATION WERE UNDERESTIMATED. AFTER THE END OF THE COLD WAR AND UP TO THE TIME OF THE IRAQI AGGRESSION, THE SUPERPOWERS KEPT THEMSELVES SOMEWHAT ALOOF FROM THE THIRD WORLD'S PROBLEMS. THIS ARTICLE EXAMINES THE CHANCES TO STABILIZE NORTH-SOUTH RELATIONS AND WHETHER IT IS POSSIBLE TO AVOID CHALLENGES TO TO WEST IN THE FUTURE. IT CONCLUDES THAT THE ROLE THE THIRD WORLD IS GOING TO PLAY ON THE INTERNATIONAL SCENE DEPENDS GREATLY ON WHAT ASSISTANCE THE REST OF THE WORLD COMMUNITY WILL PROVIDE AS IT STRUGGLES THROUGH THE PRESENT PHASE.

Compares two major schools of thought on ethnicity -- instrumentalism & primordialism -- to examine the possibilities that may exist for the formation of ethnic collective movements aimed at unification across international borders. A case study of the development of Azeri nationalism in the former USSR & Iran reveals that: (1) instrumental considerations of economic integration of the two Azerbaijans may at the same time limit & promote unification efforts; (2) generations of separate historical development may have produced elite loyalties that hinder such efforts; & (3) regardless of instrumental considerations & elite attachments, there may exist significant primordial support for unification among the newly participating Azeri masses on both sides of the border. Such a comparison of primordial & instrumental attachments & differences between mass & elite loyalties is encouraged in the development of a more comprehensive theory of ethnic collective movements. AA

The plight of the modern African women is discussed. She is the daughter of a long & hearty line of female monarchs as well as of women intimately associated with the more recent struggles for African independence. Nonetheless, she is a victim of the International Monetary Fund's "structural adjustment program" & the perpetual drought, & she is baffled by the aquired immune deficiency syndrome epidemic, which appears to her to have neither cause nor cure. Her basic problems stem from three interrelated factors: indigenous African societal patterns, the conquest of her continent by Europe, & the apparent lack of direction among political, intellectual, professional, & commercial elites in her own society. The African women's continuing struggle for independence, the effects of high-powered tokenism, & the unsettled debate over feminism are assessed. 1 Photograph. M. Maguire

Flight-Lieutenant Jerry Rawlings has presided over two distinct types of régime as far as economic policy is concerned since the overthrow of the Third Republic at the end of 1981. The first was characterised by the extensive intrusion of the state, or by those claiming to act on its behalf, in directing economic activity, notably the sale of goods and services. The other, since 1983, has witnessed greater reliance on the market freedom of individuals in both production and exchange, largely consistent with the economic liberalism prescribed by the International Monetary Fund (I.M.F.). Most analysts familiar with the evidence have concluded that the experiment during 1982–3 was an unmitigated disaster for the wellbeing of Ghanaians, and that since then the Economic Recovery Programme (E.R.P.) has successfully reversed the downward spiral and created the conditions for real income growth.

ABSTRACTThis paper argues that foreign aid programmes originated as part of the ideological confrontation known as the Cold War and that the motives behind aid were always more political than economic. It is further argued that the economic justifications for foreign aid — filling 'gaps' in capital, technology and skills—are suspect and that the economic benefits in terms of long‐term development are at best negligible. Turning to the future, foreign aid programmes are bound to change to reflect the new realities of global international relations. Nine specific predictions are made about the future size and composition of aid programmes. The outlook for those who favour aid is not bright, but recent changes in thinking about development suggest that more sell‐reliant strategies could well be more beneficial to the poor than conventional aid‐supported strategies.

Many African states have been operating under tight structural-adjustment restrictions for close to ten years. The policies of the International Monetary Fund make heavy demands on public-sector capability and political leadership, particularly as regards pricing and trade practices, banking and finance, economic monitoring and data analysis, macro and sectoral planning, as well as policy formulation, initiation, and implementation. The aim is to create a very strong private sector operating under market conditions, and an effective, though not necessarily large, public sector committed to rational, strategic economic growth. For many African régimes there also will be increasing motivation towards both decentralisation and pluralism. In short, the post-structural adjustment state, rather than withering away, needs to be selectively strengthened and to have an increasingly sophisticated capacity to manage development activities at both the national and local levels.1

Like most of the peripheral countries of Europe in the nineteenth century, Portugal experienced population growth, agricultural expansion and even serious industrial development. By mid-century, in fact, it compared reasonably well in basic economic indices with most comparable late industrialising European countries. Although Portugal continued to develop in the second half of the century, its economy did not grow as rapidly as the rest of Europe and by the end of the century it had fallen seriously behind, becoming one of the poorest societies on the continent. This relative backwardness had several causes. Severe problems of land distribution affected the ability of national agriculture to modernise rapidly, especially in the densely populated north where minifundia land holdings predominated. Portugal's important wine industry was modernised but in only one sector and this sector could not expand its international markets.

En su última Asamblea ordinaria de los días 13 y 14 de marzo de 1991, el Comité International de la Cruz Roja eligió dos nuevos miembros: los señores Rodolphe de Haller y Daniel Thürer. El Comité, integrado exclusivamente por ciudadanos suizos, cuenta así con 21 miembros.• El señor Rodolphe de Haller, que nació en 1932, es oriundo de Berna y está domiciliado en Jussy (cantón de Ginebra). Tiene el título de doctor en medicina, cuyos estudios realizó en Neuchâtel, Lausana y Viena. Su carrera clínica lo llevó a ejercer de neumólogo en St-Loup (Vaud), Davos, Lausana, Ginebra y Londres. El señor de Haller es profesor asociado de la Facultad de Medicina de la Universidad de Ginebra y autor de numerosas publicaciones científicas sobre las enfermedades pulmonares y la tuberculosis.