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A profound economic revolution is underway in Latin America. Its basic aspects are: (1) a trend toward nationalistic planning and interventionism; (2) defining problems of economic development as problems of state policy; (3) a conscious break with 18th century international liberalism; and (4) a turning away from international capitalism as the mainstay in economic development. The revolution is historically reactionary in two important aspects-it is nationalistic and ethnocentric and is based on traditional 'norms of Iberian culture. It may be summed up in the term 'interventionism,' or government intervention in matters left to private enterprise under the liberal tradition. The policy-revolution has a dual aspect, technological and institutional. The movement is markedly different from Fabianism, the New Deal, and European programs of Left and Right. Its roots extend back through the Spanish Empire and the Spanish frontier-democracy of the towns to the Roman social revolution. No single functional interest group has captured the preponderant economic power. There are 3 functional segments of the elite-the landed aristocracy, the entreprenurial class, and the bureaucracy-with a fourth rising in power, urban labor. E. Scott.

One of the leading theories for understanding the policy process is the theory of social construction and policy design developed by Anne Schneider and Helen Ingram. The theory incorporates the social construction and power of target populations to understand the development and implications of policy design. In order to better understand its empirical breadth, depth, and general utility, our analysis reviews all past publications of the theory, focusing specifically on empirical applications (N = 111), from 1993 to 2013. Based on this review, we find: a recent increase in the number of applications of this theory; that these applications appear across a wide range of outlets, relate to numerous policy domains, and are conducted by a diverse group of domestic and international scholars; that the target population proposition has been applied with greater frequency than the theory's feed‐forward proposition; and that scholars have a notable interest in understanding causal mechanisms leading to changes in the positioning of target populations among advantaged, contender, dependent, and deviant target population categories. Following a descriptive review of past publications, we offer specific suggestions for theoretical development and future research.

The responsiveness to societal demands is both the key virtue and the key problem of modern democracies. On the one hand, responsiveness is a central cornerstone of democratic legitimacy. On the other hand, responsiveness inevitably entails policy accumulation. While policy accumulation often positively reflects modernisation and human progress, it also undermines democratic government in three main ways. First, policy accumulation renders policy content increasingly complex, which crowds out policy substance from public debates and leads to an increasingly unhealthy discursive prioritisation of politics over policy. Secondly, policy accumulation comes with aggravating implementation deficits, as it produces administrative backlogs and incentivises selective implementation. Finally, policy accumulation undermines the pursuit of evidence-based public policy, because it threatens our ability to evaluate the increasingly complex interactions within growing policy mixes. The authors argue that the stability of democratic systems will crucially depend on their ability to make policy accumulation more sustainable.

This paper aims to promote greater discussion and debate on the implications and legitimacy of the current UK government policy approach that seeks to nurture voluntary activity by encouraging participation in voluntary groups (formal volunteering) and neglects the cultivation of one-to-one help (informal volunteering). Analysing the 2001 Home Office Citizenship Survey data on the geographical variations in volunteering, this policy approach is argued to privilege the development of a volunteering culture characteristic of affluent areas and to fail to recognise and value the informal volunteering culture more characteristic of lower-income populations. Why this is the case and how it might be resolved is then considered.

Social justice is a contested concept. For example, some on the left argue for equality of outcomes, those on the right for equality of opportunities, and there are differing emphases on the roles of state, market and individual in achieving a socially just society. These differences in emphasis are critical when it comes to examining the impact that public policy has on minority ethnic groups. Social justice should not be culture-blind any more than it can be gender-blind yet the overwhelming burden of evidence from the UK shows that public policy, despite the political rhetoric of fifty years of governments since large-scale immigration started, has failed to deliver social justice to Britain's minorities. In terms of outcomes, in respect for and recognition of diversity and difference, in their treatment, and in the failure of governments to offer an effective voice to minorities, the latter continue to be marginalised in British social, economic and political life. This is not an argument for abandoning the project of multiculturalism, however, but for ensuring that it is framed within the values of social justice.