Suchergebnisse

This handbook is a comprehensive and authoritative study of the modern law on the use of force. Over 50 experts in the field offer a detailed analysis, and to an extent a restatement, of the law in this area. It reviews the status of the law on the use of force and assesses what changes, if any, have occurred as a result of recent developments and offers cutting-edge and up-to-date scholarship on all major aspects of the prohibition of the use of force

Abstract
Discussion-based courses in international relations rely on students' careful reading of complex texts in advance of class. However, instructors face a perennial problem: many students do not read effectively, or at all. We argue that students often want to, but do not always know how to, read such material effectively. With instruction and guidance on effective reading strategies, students can improve reading comprehension. To test our hypotheses, we measure the effects of (1) receiving course-preparation assignment worksheets (CPAs), (2) receiving critical/active reading strategies instruction, or (3) receiving both interventions (1) and (2) on students' consumption of reading assignments and reading comprehension. Across four sections of an "International Security Studies" course, we tested our hypotheses using student self-assessment. Results indicate that both CPAs and reading strategies instruction increase student consumption and self-assessed comprehension of assigned material, but with intriguing nuance across the range of possible responses. Generally, no added benefit upon comprehension is realized by offering both treatments together. These effective reading strategies offer benefits beyond our classroom, imparting students with long-lasting skills and offering instructors easily adaptable activities for use in other courses.

The break-up of Yugoslavia led to the 1992-1995 Bosnian war, which resulted in more than 200,000 deaths, massive displacement, and widespread landmine contamination. There was no clear victor in the conflict, and the General Framework Agreement for Peace (GFAP) established a loose confederal structure, with a weak central government (the State), two Entities (the Federation of Bosnia-Herzegovina and the Republika Srpska or RS) and, within the Federation, ten cantons (each with its own constitution). Because of the danger of renewed conflict, NATO fielded an Implementation Force (IFOR) to enforce the military provisions of the GFAP, while the broader international community established the Peace Implementation Council (PIC) and appointed a High Representative who had the authority impose legal decrees, annul legislation that was inconsistent with GFAP or other international obligations, and exclude individuals from public office. Renewed conflict has been avoided, but the GFAP arrangements have not yet led to a properly functioning state. In addition to its political problems, post-conflict reconstruction and development have been hampered by extensive contamination by landmines and other explosive remnants of war (ERW). Bosnia is probably the most mine contaminated country in Europe, and certainly one of the most contaminated in the world. The mine action effort has received extensive international support since early 1996. However, rivalries among donors hindered coordination in the initial years, and donor confidence was rocked by corruption allegations in 1999-2000. Since then however, Bosnian authorities have enacted legislation (2002), established a unified planning and coordination structure for the programme, completed a Landmine Impact Survey (LIS), and formulated a coherent strategy. This consolidation of the programme's institutional make-up has allowed national officials responsible for mine action to rebuild donor confidence and improve programme performance. Indeed, national mine action officials have introduced a number of innovations, at least one of which warrants replication in other mine-affected countries. The United Nations Development Program (UNDP) has actively supported Bosnia's mine action efforts since 1996. Originally, it managed the mine action centre (MAC) responsible for compiling and maintaining the database of minefield records and for coordinating the national programme. These responsibilities were transferred to national authorities – both State and Entity – in 1998, at which point UNDP initiated its multidonor financed Integrated Mine Action Programme (IMAP), now in its third phase as a nationally executed project. In spite of some rocky periods, IMAP has been successful in supporting the emergence of national capacities for planning and coordinating the mine action programme. The numbers of technical advisors have fallen from over 40 in 1998 to one part time 'strategic advisor' today. Financial contributions from Bosnia's governments have increased steadily, and an agreement is in place for the State government to cover all operating costs of the MAC by 2008. While not the principal conduit for financing demining operations, IMAP has provided a useful channel for some donors to contribute to demining. In addition, IMAP has provided modest but useful support to the demining capacities of the armed forces. In the opinion of the Evaluation Team, IMAP has been an effective instrument for supporting the development of national capacities.

Shipping list no.: 98-0069-P. ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This study determines which rules and principles govern the relationship between the two basic concepts of the right to self-help and the obligation to settle disputes by peaceful means. Drawing insights from legal as well as political science, the book's

AbstractThis article contributes to current debates in materialist geopolitics and contemporary IR theorising by restating the centrality of social forces for conceptualising geopolitics. It does so by offering a detailed conceptual reading of the corpus of the 'Eastern Question', which is composed of a series of political analyses written by Marx and Engels in the period of 1853–6. This archive presents unique analytical and conceptual insights beyond the immediate temporal scope of the issue. I unpack this argument in three movements. The article (i) offers an overview of the debates on materialist geopolitics; (ii) contextualises the historical setting of the 'Eastern Question' and critically evaluates the great powers' commitment to the Europeanstatus quo; and (iii) constructs an original engagement with a largely overlooked corpus to reveal the ways in which Marx and Engels demonstrated the interwoven relationship between domestic class interests, the state, and the international system. I maintain that revisiting the 'Eastern Question' corpus (i) bolsters the existing materialist frameworks by underscoring the role of class as an analytical category; (ii) challenges an important historical pillar of the balance of power argument; and (iii) empirically strengthens the burgeoning scholarship in international historical sociology.

The commitment to the rational actor model of state behavior is said to be a core assumption of realist theory. This assumption is listed in most textbook accounts of realism. Yet is rationality a core supposition of realist theory, and if so, what kind of rationality is implied in these claims? Debate on the relationship between realism, and what is often labeled as rationality is replete with misunderstandings. Authors deploy terms such as rationality, rationalism, and rational actor in diverse and contradictory ways. This article aims to cut through this confusion and provide an account of the different ways in which these terms are used in the field of International Relations (IR). We argue that much of the confusion surrounding rationalism/rationality in IR arises due to a failure to distinguish between rationalism as an epistemological position (the observer rationality assumption) and rationality as an ontological position (the rational actor assumption). We use this distinction to examine carefully the relationship between the concepts of rationalism/rationality in realist theory.