Abstract In Global Environmental Politics ("Prisoners of the Wrong Dilemma: Why Distributive Conflict, Not Collective Action, Characterizes the Politics of Climate Change," 20 (4): 4–27), Michaël Aklin and Matto Mildenberger argue against the prevailing characterization of climate change cooperation as a problem of free riding or collective action. The authors argue that models of collective action imply, first, policy reciprocity and, second, inaction in the absence of formal agreements to limit free riding. They argue that neither empirical implication is supported by an review of states' climate policy to date. In this comment, we note that standard collective action models imply neither of the above hypotheses. As a result, the empirical tests advanced in the original article are uninformative as to the explanatory power of the collective action model for international climate politics.
Artiklen analyserer kompleksiteten af Ukrainekrigen gennem granskning af to vigtige igangværende faktorer – alliancen mellem Kina og Rusland og rivaliseringen mellem Kina og USA. Artiklen viser, at disse to faktorer og deres indbyrdes forbindelser i høj grad bestemmer karakteren og tendensen i den globale orden. Kinas holdning til Ukrainekrigen afspejler landets strategiske beregninger i lyset af dets stormagtsrivalisering med USA. Alliancen mellem Kina og Rusland er et hjælpemiddel, og Ukrainekrigen er en god mulighed for de to lande til at promovere en ny international sikkerhedsarkitektur, som ikke er domineret af Vesten. Artiklen konkluderer, at Ruslands krig i Ukraine kombineret med rivalisering og afkobling mellem Kina og USA driver en tilbagevenden til konventionel geopolitisk konkurrence og splittelse. Det faktum, at verden er splittet over disse begivenheder, viser sandsynligheden for, at vi bevæger os mod en multiordensverden.
Flere amerikanske tænketanke og aviser har beskrevet den nuværende sikkerhedspolitiske situation i Ukraine som en markering af en ny verdensorden – en post-post kold krig – hvor Rusland og Kina for alvor er trådt ind på scenen som stormagter, og hvor EU's interne magtrelationer konsolideres og styrkes. Beskrivelsen af denne nye virkelighed af stormagtsrivalisering er dog kun en del af det billede, som tegner sig. For sagen er den, at vores idéer om, hvordan trusler skal bekæmpes, og hvem der har ansvaret for denne bekæmpelse, er fundamentalt forandret. Dagens geopolitik kæmpes nemlig ikke kun af stater, indenfor rammerne af diplomatiet og de militære institutioner, men også af private virksomheder. Denne artikel undersøger, hvad der kendetegner de danske virksomheders rolle i dansk og international sikkerhedspolitik og kommer med bud på, hvad denne udvikling betyder for vores forståelse af den kommende sikkerhedspolitiske æra.
ABSTRACTThe delivery of accounting higher education in Australia has been heavily dependent on casual academic staff in light of increased enrolments of national and international students. Although research to date has emphasized the demanding aspects of casual teaching and the need for improvements to the working conditions of casual academics, little is known about casual academics lived experiences and the way they develop ethical understanding of their day-to-day working conditions. We provide in-depth empirical evidence about casual accounting academics employment experiences in Australian universities and highlight the factors that support and/or inhibit casual academics' sense of inclusion and dignity in the workplace. Using "workplace dignity" as our theoretical framework, we find that the stage of the casual academics' career and their aspirations for academia impact their views and experiences of dignity and inclusion in the workplace.
This study examined the student-level (i.e., gender, home language, and immigration status) and school-level (i.e., school economic disadvantage status) variability of the students' affective mathematics engagement. It was hypothesized that there is a school effect that contributes toward explaining differences in affective mathematics engagement besides the student-level differences. For the sake of the nested structure of the data in Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS), we used the Hierarchical Linear Modeling (HLM) methodology. There were 10,221 students from 246 schools in the study. The results of this study explained 5.3% of variance in students' affective mathematics engagement by school-mean economic disadvantage status, where students' demographic factors explained 1.2%. The present study contributed to a better understanding of the opportunity to learn variables at the student- and school-level in students' affective mathematics engagement.
AbstractWomen's exclusion from the international relations (IR) canon has been widely documented, and many have undertaken to systematically address these exclusions. However, consideration of how women's exclusion is written into canonical texts is less well explored. This paper draws on folkloric approaches to understanding canon constitution to perform a close reading of disciplinary history texts. This paper considers these texts in parallel to Cinderella stories to understand the absence of "founding mothers" and illuminate how women's exclusion has been written into the canon as a natural absence. This paper builds on the growing literature about women's exclusion to document the specific ways in which how we write can reiterate exclusions within the canon. This is relevant to understanding these historical practices of exclusion and to reconsidering how we write the contemporary IR canon.
AbstractHow do regional actors perceive South Korea's role in the Indo‐Pacific? Using South Korea as a reference point, this introductory paper to the Special Issue adopts the analogy of "network structures" to examine how the network of Indo‐Pacific relations shapes actors' perceptions and interactions with other states in the region. South Korea's relationship with other actors in the Indo‐Pacific is not just a function of bilateral relations. It is influenced by the larger strategic environment and the dynamic relationships that exist among network actors. By analyzing the Indo‐Pacific strategies of several states comparatively, we aim to better understand South Korea's role and place within the broader regional strategic network. We advocate a relational approach to understanding regional dynamics in the Indo‐Pacific that moves past traditional international relations paradigms.
According to principles of economic security, in this era of globalization and interdependencies, we understand that economic agents work competitively in uncertain markets. In the current international economic field, we cannot find either a perfect balance or long-term security conditions. Yet, this insecurity has the ability to stimulate the competitive field, to encourage innovation and adaptive competences. The anticipation of rapid evolutions and transformations which occur within markets or different industries represents a challenge which company managers handle with increasing difficulty. Even though much scholarly attention is paid to conceptual elements of competitive intelligence and its benefits, little is known about the way open-source intelligence can act like an instrument. This paper addresses this gap in the literature and analyze the way open-source intelligence can provide support for competitive intelligence actions.
Robotics and artificial intelligence are high technologies that are pushing the boundaries of human civilization. Recent decisions made by international military organizations have launched major programs for the development of new technologies that will lead society to modernity while increasing security for the entire world population. The dynamics of technological progress are constantly increasing due to economic and military advantages and, at the same time, the desire of researchers and scientists to go beyond the limits is a result of the challenges we face on a daily basis. The physiognomy of military conflicts is becoming more complex as a result of the unprecedented development of modern military technologies, which, when combined with conventional technologies, change the approaches to planning and the principles of operational use of forces and means.
AbstractThis paper investigates if individuals' negative assessments of the future drive micro-level reluctance for international cooperation and reciprocal behavior, a core principle of multilateralism. To test our theoretical expectations, we field online survey experiments on a sample of over 3000 respondents in the US and Turkey in October–November 2020. The experimental results show that on average, individuals are fairly sensitive to target countries' policy actions and are inclined to reciprocate when contemplating whether to increase contributions to UN or consent to bilateral trade liberalization. Yet, further analyses concur that individual inclinations to reciprocate are substantially moderated by their future expectations. Specifically, individuals who are more pessimistic about their material prospects remain fairly indifferent to the positive actions of other countries, but are more likely to penalize negative foreign policy actions by reciprocating in kind.
This article analyzes the application of a regularization mechanism for immigrants, typical of Spanish law and directly linked to integration measures, as a possible legal solution for thousands of asylum seekers whose applications have been rejected or remain unresolved in any of the European Union Member States. The revision of the regulations and directives of the Common European Asylum System reform focuses on the extension of integration measures to these people. The article provides a new approach to the figure of social ties in the field of applicants for international protection, concluding that if such a mechanism were incorporated into the planned reforms, this would give them the possibility to renounce their immigration status and opt for an administrative residence and work authorization, causing a huge impact on the entire system.
Zusammenfassung Vor der China International Import Expo (CIIE) im November 2021 führten wir eine Studie mit Geschäftsleuten aus Brasilien, Mexiko und Deutschland durch, die eine auf Verhandlungen mit Chinesen ausgerichtete Fortbildung angefragt hatten, um gut auf diese Messe vorbereitet zu sein. Um mehr über deren besonderen Bedürfnisse herauszufinden, verteilten wir einen Fragebogen vor dem Verhandlungstraining, in dem wir ihre Ansichten über Verhandlungen im Allgemeinen und ihre genauen Bedürfnisse in Bezug auf Verhandlungen mit chinesischen Geschäftsleuten erfragten. Unserer Analyse der 57 Rückantworten zufolge interessierten sich die befragten Geschäftsleute am meisten für die Entwicklung von Verhandlungsdenken, den Umgang mit vertragsbezogenen Themen und den Aufbau von Vertrauen und stabilen Geschäftsbeziehungen. Hinsichtlich der Verhandlungen mit chinesischen Geschäftsleuten legten die Teilnehmer einen besonderen Fokus auf das Erkennen von Entscheidungsträgern im chinesischen Verhandlungsteam, den Umgang mit rechtlichen Belangen in Verhandlungen und die typisch chinesischen moralischen Wertvorstellungen in Bezug auf das Geschäftsleben. In Kooperation mit dem Trainingsanbieter wurden unsere Studienergebnisse dazu verwendet, um das nachfolgende Training auf die Bedürfnisse der zukünftigen Teilnehmer zuzuschneiden. Um die Auswirkungen eines solchen modifizierten Trainings zu untersuchen, baten wir die ehemaligen Fortbildungsteilnehmer – nach der Gelegenheit, das Gelernte im realen Umfeld der CIIE anzuwenden – in einem zweiten Fragebogen verschiedene Aspekte ihres Trainings zu evaluieren und sich zu zukünftigen Fortbildungsinteressen zu äußern. Das äußerst positive Feedback der 49 Umfrageteilnehmer bestärkt unsere Annahme, dass die Inhalte von Verhandlungstrainings auf die Bedürfnisse der Teilnehmer zugeschnitten sein sollten und dass wir einen möglichen Weg aufgezeigt haben, wie solche Daten erhoben und evaluiert werden können.
Résumé Il existe en Relations internationales une définition communément admise de la guerre. Ses critères que sont ceux d'affrontement physique, de létalité, de grande échelle, de nature politique des belligérants, et de réciprocité dans l'engagement, sont largement acceptés au sein de la littérature. Ils sont néanmoins de plus en plus remis en cause. Il devient en effet courant d'en appeler à une révision de la définition de la guerre afin qu'elle puisse inclure d'autres formes de conflictualités tels que les affrontements peu voire non meurtriers. Cet article plaide au contraire pour un maintien des critères d'une définition lorsqu'elle est aussi stable que celle de la guerre. Amender cette dernière risque de générer une cacophonie théorique. Cela ne peut se faire qu'au détriment de la recherche scientifique, et ce en raison du rôle du concept dans celle-ci.
O objetivo do presente artigo é analisar os encontros e desencontros entre técnicos brasileiros e estadunidenses nos acordos de cooperação estabelecida pelos dois países em projetos voltados para a alimentação de trabalhadores. O recorte temporal é a década de 1940, quando a agência American International Association for Economic and Social Development (AIA), criada por Nelson Rockefeller, assinou um convênio com o Serviço de Alimentação da Previdência Social (SAPS), com o objetivo de assessorar a criação do Setor de Visitação Alimentar (SVA), que seria coordenado pelos experts estadunidenses. Inspirado no modelo estadunidense de Home Demonstration, o objetivo era difundir e coordenar cursos de Economia Doméstica no Brasil. Argumentamos que as políticas públicas de alimentação formuladas no período foram frutos de negociações e estranhamentos, construídas a partir da dinâmica entre esses profissionais e suas agências e instituições.
Do leaders' statements influence the trajectory of interstate conflicts? More specifically, do coercive or accommodative statements influence immediate deterrence and reconciliation? This study expands upon the contributions of McManus ("Fighting Words: The Effectiveness of Statements of Resolve in International Conflict," Journal of Peace Research 51, no. 6 [2014]: 726–40) by measuring the presence of coercive and accommodative language in US presidential statements and examines whether these types of statements are associated with conflict events during militarized interstate disputes. Accounting for endogeneity, the findings suggest that higher rates of coercive statements deter adversaries from engaging in the use of military force, while higher rates of accommodative statements induce the adversary into negotiations. Importantly, coercive statements do not appear to incite hostilities through provocation, nor do accommodative statements appear to invite escalation by signaling weakness.
