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This thesis investigates the interaction of sender countries (SC) and target countries (TC) in an economic sanctions episode. It conceives of each sanctions event as a game between two free thinking players, out to win, which the international relations theory of Realism best explains. After examining the historical success rates of sanctions cases using large and small N studies in the literature, it seeks to identify those sender vulnerabilities that TCs exploit in order to prevail. This work utilizes two case studies, Libya and Iraq, of sanctions episodes with the US as sanctions leader or leading sender. It breaks down each episode into multiple sanctions events. Having done that, the study next looks at the actions, reactions and counteractions that each side takes in order to gain and maintain the initiative, and ultimately prevail. This work concludes that using multiple instruments of national power in a 'combines arms' approach helps both sides in gaining and maintaining the initiative and in winning the game. Until now, TCs have employed their instruments of national power more effectively than SCs. This study concludes that TCs succeed at defeating economic sanctions when they combine their instruments of national power in a more optimal way than do the SCs, when the US and Europe do not act together, when the TC has friendly borders, and when the leading sender's costs are low

La seguridad puede formar parte de los factores por los que se crean los regímenes internacionales o ser una variable de creación y mantenimiento. Se trata de un tema privilegiado por la escuela del realismo político que ha adquirido un renovado interés en la teoría de las relaciones internacionales como consecuencia de los nuevos factores de la seguridad en un mundo de interdependencia compleja. Los elementos definidores de la sociedad internacional en la etapa de la posguerra fría son la hegemonía y la cooperación regional en la búsqueda del equilibrio sistémico por parte de las potencias medias. Como sostiene el paradigma realista, la lucha por el poder se impone en la configuración de las relaciones interestatales y en el seno de las Organizaciones Internacionales. ; Security can be part of the factors for which the international regimes are created or it can be a variable of their creation and maintenance. It is a issue privileged by the school of political realism and it has acquired a renovated interest in the theory of International Relations as a consequence of the new factors of the security in a world of complex interdependence. The elements defining the international society in the post-Cold War period are Hegemony and regional cooperation when middle powers search for systemic balance. As the realistic paradigm sustains, the struggle for power imposes itself in the configuration of interstate relations and in the core of International Organizations

So-called grand or paradigmatic theories—structural functionalism, psychoanalysis, Marxism, rational-choice theory—provide their proponents with a conceptual vocabulary and syntax that allows for the classification and configuring of wide ranges of phenomena. Advocates for any particular "analytical grammar" are accordingly prone to conflating the internal coherence of their paradigm—its integrated complex of definitions, axioms, and inferences—with a corresponding capacity for representational verisimilitude. The distinction between Theory-as-heuristic and Theory-as-imposition is of course difficult to negotiate in practice, given that empirical observation and measurement are not entirely "theory neutral" or independent of prior analytical conceptualization. Nonetheless, the scientific cogency of any theory is ultimately evaluated by the substantive realism of its foundational assumptions and categorical designations; that is, the accuracy with which it identifies and tracks the determinant properties and processes of the phenomena to be explicated. The paradigm of sociocultural evolutionism—despite extensive revamping by contemporary proponents—does not carry warrant in this regard, as its recourse to an analytical grammar fashioned and derived from another discipline raises doubts about its empirical veridicality. This article revisits the contentious issue of remodeling social phenomena in accordance with biological categories and offers both a theoretical and a substantive critique of the "selectionist" paradigm. The transdisciplinary program of historical social science is affirmed by way of counterpoint.

This article shows that threat framing by the Estonian elite has changed significantly since the end of the Cold War. In order to explain these changes, the identity formations salient in Estonian political discourse are analyzed using discourse analysis and contrasted to two other explanatory approaches: one based on the ideas of realism, the other on cognitive theory. This demonstrates that the variation of threat images, as well as Estonia's wish to join international organizations, is guided not solely by fear of Russia, but also by a desire to re-establish bonds with an identity formation Estonia once was part of. Thus, the change of threat images can be explained by the dynamics of identity formations, which in turn are linked to processes of socialization, as Estonia adapts to the discourse of the West. It is further argued that previous research on the linkages between identity formations and threat images has tended to oversimplify this relationship. In contrast to earlier research, this article claims that after independence, the Estonian Self has not developed in polarized terms vis-‡-vis the Russian state and the domestic Russian Other. Rather, it is concluded that what is at issue is a process of socialization. This implies not only learning and using language as a means towards the recognition of a multicultural Estonia and the inclusion of the Russian minority in the Estonian Self, but also the institutionalization of such a language in terms of official policies.

Cet article défend une recherche sociologique qui allie le meilleur du constructionisme social avec le réalisme critique, et qui intègre la sociologie des catastrophes à la sociologie environnementale. Il montre comment les perceptions de la gestion des catastrophes sont socialement construites au moyen d'une action communicative dans un contexte d'incitations venant des ≪ actants≫ de la nature, comment les autorités sont tentées de remplacer la transparence par le secret quand ces incitations deviennent particulièrement dangereuses et comment les catastrophes sont utilisées a d'autres fins. La tempête de verglas de Janvier 1998, qui donnait l'impression d'etre une catastrophe naturelle (la plus dispendieuse de l'histoire canadienne), était plutôt un hybride déclenché par des constructions de la nature primale qui sont devenues désastreuses où la nature recombinante vulnérable est devenue socialement construite.This paper argues for sociological research that combines the best of social constructionism and critical realism and that integrates disaster sociology with environmental sociology. It documents how perceptions of managing disaster are socially constructed through communicative action in a context of prompts from nature's actants, how authorities are tempted to replace openness with secrecy when those prompts become particularly dangerous, and how disasters are used for other purposes. The January 1998 ice storm that seemed a natural disaster (the most expensive in Canadian history) was instead a hybrid initiated by primal nature's constructions that became disastrous where vulnerable recombinant nature had been socially constructed.

Considers the notion of empire as an element in normative political theory in terms of the most plausible & influential arguments for an imperial policy particularly in the spheres of political & military power. Such arguments coalesce around their appeal to broadly liberal (if not democratic) values; thus, such a doctrine is referred to as liberal imperialism. The belief in the political inequality of countries makes liberal imperialism an imperial doctrine; strong & weak imperial policies are distinguished. As an exception to the norm, imperial policy must rest on values to justify this exception. Such justifications for imperial policy resort to three considerations that confront perceived shortcomings of the Wilsonian axioms: (1) global security, (2) human flourishing, & (3) deontological prohibition. The Bush Doctrine is viewed as a statement of liberal imperial policy that centers on all three classes of consideration. To assess the new imperial arguments, a historical lens is used to shed light on a relevant asymmetry of historical consciousness in the current debate on empire. Attention turns to assessing whether the logic of of the Bush Doctrine rests on misreadings of the three aforementioned considerations, finding that, indeed, such imperial policy should be viewed skeptically. In conclusion, imperial realism is critiqued, highlighting two modern paradoxes that contain some of the attraction of imperial policy: "the perversity of proceduralism" & Rousseau's idea of forcing freedom on those who do not choose to be free. J. Zendejas

Bibliography: 71-75. ; The name 'Herman Charles Bosman' is a familiar one to South Africans, and his narratives have been celebrated widely for their skilful construction, their humour and the unique way in which they capture a segment of South African rural life. While Bosman is regarded as a significant figure in South African literature, it is less commonly accepted that his narratives were more than cleverly devised pieces of social realism. In the past, critics have largely either regarded Bosman's work as existing 'outside' of politics - even commending him for his ability to disregard the 'obsession' with politics reflected in the texts of other South African writers - or they have criticised him for producing 'racist' narratives which vindicated white supremacy. There are a number of reasons why Bosman's work was not regarded as an important constituent in the literary struggle against racial discrimination in South Africa, not the least being that he was an Afrikaner. His ethnic identity, combined with the fact that his writing was difficult to categorise because it was so different from the other literature being produced at that time, meant that his narratives have often been misunderstood, and their social message largely ignored. My argument, in this thesis, is that the particular and very real forms of censorship placed on South African writers beg a closer look not only at what is being said, but the w

Yriart, M. F., Braginski, R. (1998). La resurrección del Caso Crotoxina (1989-1996) : ciencia, política y medios de comunicación. Redes, 5(11), 113-139. ; La crotoxina, una "bala mágica" contra el cáncer, apareció en la Argentina en 1986, planteó un conflicto entre la lógica de la investigación científica y la del poder político, y recibió una cobertura especular en los medios, coloreada por el drama de los pacientes. La representación social de la ciencia que generó careció de realismo, y dejó una imagen distorsionada. Su amplio impacto plantea interrogantes acerca de las categorías reconocidas de prensa de calidad, popular y de élites. Abre también preguntas acerca de las relaciones futuras entre ciencia, medios y poder en la Argentina y -por extensión- en el Tercer Mundo. ; Crotoxine, a so-called "magic bullet" against cancer, made its first appearance in Argentina in 1986. It brought into conflict scientific research and political power receiving spectacular coverage in the media, which was made even more dramatic by the lot of the patients. The image of science in society which it threw up lacked realism and left people with a distorted picture. Its widespread impact raises questions about the accepted standing of the quality and popular press and of elites. It also opens up a set of questions about the future relationship between science, media and political power in Argentina and, by the same token, in the Third World.

This paper presents a series of comic coplas written for public performance during carnival in agrotown in Seville Province, Andalusia. The songs date from the 1940s to the 1990s. Their production is a male prerogative: composed by male «maestros», they are sung by male troubadours. This is a specifically Andalusian genre of social burlesque that takes woman as its subject: wives, lovers, mothers-in-law. The lyrics use erotic imagery, genital tropes, and obscene allegories to covey the prevailing masculine ideology concerning sexuality, male-female politics, and domestic relations. The paper concludes with a brief interpretation of the style and symbolism of the Andalusian carnivalesque, borrowing from the critic Bakhtin's concept of «grotesque realism». ; Este artículo presenta unas coplas de chirigota compuestas por desempeño público durante el carnaval en una villa agraria de la provincia de Sevilla. Las coplas están compuestas entre los años 40 y 90. Representando un género folklórico burlesco social específicamente andaluz, las coplas son una prerrogativa solamente masculina, escritas por los «maestros de murga» e interpretadas por cantores masculinos («murguistas»). Basadas en imágenes eróticas, metáforas genitales y alegorías obscenas, las letras comunican una ideología masculina sobre la sexualidad, las relaciones entre el hombre y la mujer y la domesticidad. Concluye el artículo con una breve interpretación de las letras de chirigota, basándose el análisis en el concepto de «realismo grotesco» propuesto por el crítico ruso Bakhtin.

This paper presents a series of comic coplas written for public performance during carnival in agrotown in Seville Province, Andalusia. The songs date from the 1940s to the 1990s. Their production is a male prerogative: composed by male «maestros», they are sung by male troubadours. This is a specifically Andalusian genre of social burlesque that takes woman as its subject: wives, lovers, mothers-in-law. The lyrics use erotic imagery, genital tropes, and obscene allegories to covey the prevailing masculine ideology concerning sexuality, male-female politics, and domestic relations. The paper concludes with a brief interpretation of the style and symbolism of the Andalusian carnivalesque, borrowing from the critic Bakhtin's concept of «grotesque realism». ; Este artículo presenta unas coplas de chirigota compuestas por desempeño público durante el carnaval en una villa agraria de la provincia de Sevilla. Las coplas están compuestas entre los años 40 y 90. Representando un género folklórico burlesco social específicamente andaluz, las coplas son una prerrogativa solamente masculina, escritas por los «maestros de murga» e interpretadas por cantores masculinos («murguistas»). Basadas en imágenes eróticas, metáforas genitales y alegorías obscenas, las letras comunican una ideología masculina sobre la sexualidad, las relaciones entre el hombre y la mujer y la domesticidad. Concluye el artículo con una breve interpretación de las letras de chirigota, basándose el análisis en el concepto de «realismo grotesco» propuesto por el crítico ruso Bakhtin.

The Preliminary Argument The fifteen years following the end of the Great War saw considerable activity amongst economists concerned with competitive structures and the "firm". As has been argued elsewhere much of this work may be interpreted as an attack on Marshall's treatment of the subject with a view to replacing it by a more "rigorous" and formal analysis. E. H. Chamberlin to a very large extent stands apart from these developments, as he makes plain in the "Origin and Early Development of Monopolistic Competition Theory" (1961). Serious work on his thesis apparently began in 1924, was largely completed in 1926 and the study filed in the following year. This means that Chamberlin's "discovery" of the curves of marginal cost and marginal revenue was made quite independently of his English and German colleagues. Further, as Chamberlin himself made clear, the thesis had no link either with Sraffa or the Symposium of 1931: "Nor did the Book itself attack Marshall…on any of the issues there involved" (ibid., p. 532). Indeed, he always insisted that his work was an attack "not on Marshall, but on the theory of perfect competition" (ibid., p. 540). He might have added that Monopolistic Competition is essentially Marshallian both in its style of reasoning and in the pre‐occupation with realism; a pre‐occupation which led Chamberlin to play down the operational significance of the marginal curves while recognising their importance in a technical sense (1957, pp. 274–76).

El presente trabajo explora la recepción de Walter Benjamin en el joven Ricardo Piglia. Se muestra que los aportes benjaminianos, junto a los de Bertolt Brecht, resultaron fundamentales para la autocomprensión de Piglia en el contexto de los agitados debates estético-políticos de los años 60 y 70. Piglia se valió del Benjamin brechtiano para articular estética y política de un modo que singularizó su trabajo crítico en aquellos años. Desde los parámetros de una estética de la producción, construyó una postura que trascendía no sólo las estéticas idealistas, sino también los postulados del realismo socialista, superando así la oposición entre experimentación estética y politización del arte. ; This paper analyzes the reception of Walter Benjamin by the young Ricardo Piglia. Walter Benjamin, together with Bertolt Brecht, was very important for Piglia's self-comprehension in the context of the agitated aesthetical-political debates of the '60s and '70s. Piglia makes use of the Brechtian Benjamin to articulate aesthetics and politics in a way that singles out his critical work in those years. He builds, from the parameters of a production aesthetic, a position that goes beyond not only the idealistic aesthetics but also the principles of the socialist realism, putting aside the opposition between aesthetic experimentation and politicization of art. ; Fil: Garcia Garcia, Luis Ignacio. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba; Argentina

Background: Exposure therapy (EXP) is a first-line intervention for combat-related PTSD. EXP works by repeatedly exposing the patient to the feared stimuli, situation, or physical sensations in the absence of actual danger until the stimuli no longer evoke maladaptive responses. Over the past decade, multiple technologies have been introduced to augment the EXP process by presenting multi-sensory cues (e.g., sights, smells, sounds) to increase patients' sense of presence. Exploratory research has only broadly examined the effect of odorants on the patient's sense of presence during simulated exposure tasks. This study hypothesized that those with autobiographical memories similar to the virtual environment (VE) and those who received odorants would report experiencing more presence than experimental controls. Methods: 61 veterans and civilian subjects were randomized and asked to participate in a virtual environment simulating a routine OIF/OEF/OND convoy. The effects of odorants and autobiographical memory on presence were assessed via electrodermal activity, respiration, heart rate variability, and self-report measures. Results: Odorants did not significantly influence presence. A relationship between military experience and presence, HRV, and realism was observed. Conclusion: Odorants did not have a statistically significant effect on presence while engaged in a simulated exposure task, which was inconsistent with previous research. The rationale for these findings and recommendations for future research are made. ; 2018-05-01 ; Ph.D. ; Sciences, Psychology ; Doctoral ; This record was generated from author submitted information.