Suchergebnisse

In A World At War, 1911-1949 , leading and emerging scholars of the cultural history of the two world wars begin to break down the traditional barriers between the historiographies of the two conflicts, identifying commonalities as well as casting new light on each as part of a broader mission, in honour of Professor John Horne, to expand the boundaries of academic exploration of warfare in the 20th century. Utilizing techniques and approaches developed by cultural historians of the First World War, this volume showcases and explores four crucial themes relating to the socio-cultural attributes and representation of war that cut across both the First and Second World Wars: cultural mobilization, the nature and depiction of combat, the experience of civilians under fire, and the different meanings of victory and defeat. Contributors are: Annette Becker, Robert Dale, Alex Dowdall, Robert Gerwarth, John Horne, Tomás Irish, Heather Jones, Alan Kramer, Edward Madigan, Anthony McElligott, Michael S. Neiberg, John Paul Newman, Catriona Pennell, Filipe Ribeiro de Meneses, Daniel Todman, and Jay Winter

Used by Seymour-Ure and by Blumler and Gurevitch the concept of "political parallelism" gained further prominence after Hallin and Mancini took it as one of their key variables in the comparison of media systems. The concept seems to work well for analyzing western societies, but how useful is it for dealing with the rest of the world? This article suggests that the concept of political parallelism only can be productively used when two conditions are satisfied. There must be a competitive political system, with political cleavages clear enough to allow the media to reproduce them, and an institutionalized relationship between media and political agents that is sufficiently stable to allow the observer to identify recurrent patterns of interaction. However, these requirements are not met everywhere. By "provincializing" the concept of political parallelism – taking it as a product of specific circumstances, rather than as a universally applicable category – this article proposes a new and more globally applicable framework for studying political communication

Writers on colonial education have generally assumed that colonial curricula were tools of metropolitan political and cultural 'hegemony'. In particular, it is alleged that colonial history curricula neglected or ignored the histories of indigenous populations. Through analysing the case of Chinese History in Hong Kong, this article demonstrates that these assumptions are highly misleading. Far from exercising 'hegemonical' authority over the school curriculum, the colonial government was to a large extent the prisoner of its local collaborators. For reasons of political as well as educational expediency, in the post-war years the government initiated a conservative Chinese History curriculum to be taught alongside the separate subject of 'History'. Subsequently, a strong Chinese History subject community evolved, who by appealing to nationalist sentiment were able to resist successfully the calls for reform. As a result, efforts by both the colonial and post-colonial administrations to resolve the anomaly of having two history subjects have proved fruitless. ; postprint

1. Introduction -- 2. The uses of motherhood in American politics -- 3. Motherhood makes strange bedfellows : an overview of politically active mothers groups -- 4. Origins of action : founding motivations -- 5. Grieving mothers, anchor babies, and time out chairs : ideological variation in political uses of motherhood -- 6. The possibilities and perils of political motherhood.

This work introduces readers to the concepts of political philosophy - authority, democracy, freedom and its limits, justice, feminism, multiculturalism, and nationality. Accessibly written and assuming no previous knowledge of the subject, it encourages the reader to think clearly and critically about the leading political questions of our time

In the Ulster Museum's new gallery The Troubles and Beyond, the central display showcases a Wheelbarrow bomb disposal robot. This machine was invented by the British Army in Northern Ireland (NI) in 1972 and used by the officers of the 321 Explosive Ordinance Disposal squadron (321EOD) to defuse car bombs planted by the IRA. This paper offers an alternative history of that machine – a dirtier history – that critically assesses its role during the Troubles. Centrally, the paper contests the British Army's preferred account of this machine as a 'game changing' technological innovation in counter-insurgency, and their understanding of themselves as benign peacekeepers. Rather than figure the Wheelbarrow robot as an unreadable 'black box' used instrumentally by the superior human operators of 321EOD, this paper seeks to foreground the unruly transfers of agency between the machine and its operators as they tested and experimented in the 'exceptional colonial laboratory' of NI. The paper further explores the machine's failures during bomb disposal episodes, the collateral damage that resulted, and the multiple and often unruly reactions of local populations who watched the Wheelbarrow robot at work. Providing a 'dirty history' of the Wheelbarrow robot is an effort to demonstrate that war can never be fully cleaned up, either through militarized mythologies of technological innovation or hopeful museum displays.

Farah Naz and Dieter Bögenhold, Unheard Voices: Women, Work and Political Economy of Global Production. Palgrave Macmillan, 2020, xv+197 pp., €93.08. ISBN: 9783030543631 (eBook). Ishita Mehrotra, Political Economy of Caste, Class and Gender: A Study of Rural Dalit Labourers in India. Routledge, 2022, 224 pp., £33.29. ISBN: 9780429321894 (eBook).

The purpose of the paper is to analyze political participation of Armenian minority in Georgia, find out the obstacles that government of Georgia and minorities face. To analyze and compare the international legal base in the field of political integration of minorities as a key to solution for issue existed in Georgia.

The paper examined federalism, political restructuring and Development in Nigeria. The main thesis of the paper is that the faulty federalism practised in Nigeria has adversely affected development and as a consequence, political restructuring is seen as a desideratum which can reinvent federalism and bring about the much needed development in Nigeria. The paper adopted the Marxian Political Economy approach as an analytical construct and relied on secondary sources of data. One of the assumptions of Marxian Political Economy is that society is divided into two main classes – those who own the means of production and those who do not own the means of production. The appropriation of the surplus value accruable from the production process has been the source of exploitation and internecine class antagonism. The paper noted that the colonially imposed Nigerian state has infused fissiparous tendencies in the polity which has negatively influenced federalism and has stunted development in Nigeria. Consequently, the paper recommended inter alia, the need for political restructuring which can recalibrate federalism and bring about the much needed development in Nigeria. However, the paper observed that the restructuring of the mindset of Nigerians would complement political restructuring.Key words: Federalism, Political Restructuring, Development, Marxian Political Economy, Fissiparous Tendencies