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Evaluates the interplay between market forces and political realities as the economies of Europe become part of a new global order. Capital is becoming more mobile and business increasingly international and borderless. Modern management seek opportunities to reduce costs of production. The transnational firm (TNC), a globally integrated organizational network, has emerged in this global search for low‐cost production bases. Consequently the realm of European economic policy analysis is now very much couched within a political economy dimension which is determining the direction of economic activity at the global level with ramifications for the European economy and its nation‐states. The hallmarks of that political dimension include the interrelationships between sovereign governments and the transnational corporations and the creation of geo‐political entities like the European Union. Impelled by global competition and the power of business, the drive towards European integration has furnished much‐needed debate on the effectiveness of indigenous government policies on their respective economies and on the relatively greater impact of modern corporations on the economy.

POLITICAL OPPOSITION IN ITALIAN CITY STATES WAS NOT FOR MEN who valued themselves more than they valued politics. The stakes were too high. Exile or loss of life and property were too often the penalties. The difficult legal circumstances which attended organized political opposition went back to the early commune, to the fervour of the civil struggles that began late in the 12th century. These were to affect the character of the opposition down to the 16th century. If the contenders in political strife sometimes expressed a readiness to compromise, they revealed, just as often, an inability to do so. And in critical times the desire for the physical elimination of political opponents easily emerged.Major rivalries of the 11th and 12th centuries inadvertently favoured the rise of local government. The communes – rendered bolder in many cases by their quickening economies – profited from the conflicts between papacy and empire, between the emperor and the German princes, and between the episcopal and comital powers in Italy. As imperial authority waned, local groups all over north and central Italy pressed forward to take over the administration of their own affairs.

Purpose
– This article aims to describe patterns of change in innovation networks and to clarify the roles of time and history in shaping network trajectories. The authors test seven predictor variables and their interactions to examine their influences on network performance over time.


Design/methodology/approach
– A fuzzy simulation of innovation networks and investigations of different network types, using two classes of growth modeling techniques, help refine understanding of innovation as an interactive, developmental process.


Findings
– Innovation network trajectories are influenced by self-reinforcing, contradictory and damaging forces. History affects network trajectory development, particularly with regard to financial resource access. The temporal processes reveal three contrasting classes of developmental trajectories for innovation networks.


Research limitations/implications
– The study methodology can account for theoretically derived factors leading to innovation, in and across types of networks and for changes over time; it moves beyond a cross-sectional approach. Although the model structure is generic, the parameters are based on a radical innovation, so the findings may not transfer directly.


Practical implications
– Managers in innovation business networks can use the identified variables to improve network performance, by facilitating processes that inject financial capital and integrating heterogeneous skills that focus on a wider variety of skills that generate both exploratory and exploitative knowledge development.


Originality/value
– This article contributes to discourses on network trajectories through an analysis of processes that influence the growth and decline of innovation business network performance. An original methodology generates and analyzes dynamic longitudinal network data.

Eine 'soziale Krisenkonstruktion', also die Zuschreibung einer spezifisch negativ eingeschätzten Qualität zu einem sozialen, auf die Produktion von Kollektivgütern bezogenen Sachverhalt, verläuft dem Autor zufolge unabhängig davon, ob der rezipierte Sachverhalt vorhanden ist oder nicht. An einer Vielzahl von Problemfeldern in der sportwissenschaftlichen Diskussion kann aufgezeigt werden, wie mit Hilfe der massenmedialen Darstellung besorgniserregender Zustände eine Krise konstruiert und in der Folge zur Legitimation für die Sportwissenschaft sowie für Sportorganisationen instrumentalisiert wird. Beispiele dieser Problemfelder sind die Krisendarstellungen zum aktuellen Stand der motorischen Leistungsfähigkeit und zum Gesundheitszustand von Kindern und Jugendlichen, die Krise des Ehrenamtes sowie weitere Krisendarstellungen in Hinblick auf die Mitgliederentwicklung in Sportverbänden und Vereinen, das Abschneiden deutscher Sportler auf internationalen Wettkämpfen sowie der Gebrauch von Dopingmitteln. Im vorliegenden Beitrag wird deutlich gemacht, wie ein zunehmender Zugriff von öffentlicher Seite auf das individuelle Verhalten erfolgt und inwieweit hierbei der Rekurs auf vermeintliche Krisenphänomene instrumentalisiert wird. Ferner wird gezeigt, wie das wissenschaftliche System aufgrund äußerer Impulse und Dringlichkeitsappelle zum schnellen Handeln gedrängt wird. (ICI2)

Over the past decades commercial and academic market(ing) researchers have studied consumers through a range of different methods including surveys, focus groups, or interviews. More recently, some have turned to the growing field of neuroscience to understand consumers. Neuromarketing employs brain imaging, scanning, or other brain measurement technologies to capture consumers' (brain) responses to marketing stimuli and to circumvent the "problem" of relying on consumers' self-reports. This paper presents findings of an ethnographic study of neuromarketing research practices in one neuromarketing consultancy. Our access to the minutiae of commercial neuromarketing research provides important insights into how neuromarketers silence the neuromarketing test subject in their experiments and presentations and how they introduce the brain as an unimpeachable witness. This enables us conceptually to reconsider the role of witnesses in the achievement of scientific credibility, as prominently discussed in science and technology studies (STS). Specifically, we probe the role witnesses and silences play in establishing and maintaining credibility in and for "commercial research laboratories." We propose three themes that have wider relevance for STS researchers and require further attention when studying newly emerging research fields and practices that straddle science and its commercial application.

THE FIRST QUESTION ENCOUNTERED IN AN INVESTIGATION OF THE SUBJECT OF POLITICAL REPRESENTATION SEEMS TO BE A WHO? QUESTION. THE IDENTITY OF THE SUBJECT REPRESENTED HAS BEEN GENERALLY TAKEN FOR GRANTED OR IGNORED. SHIFTING THE FOCUS BY MEANS OF SOME CONSPICOUS HISTORICAL CONTRASTS AND BY TAKING THE CONSTITUTIVE POWER OF DISCOURSE SERIOUSLY, THIS PAPER PROBES THE POSSIBILITY THAT THE MECHANISMS OF POLITICAL REPRESENTATION CAN PRODUCE THIS POLITICAL SUBJECT AT THE SAME TIME THAT THEY PRODUCE A REPRESENTATIVE FOR IT. EQUALLY SOME OF THE RAMIFICATIONS OF SUCH A POSSIBILITY ARE ADDRESSED. THE AIM HERE IS LESS TO PUSH AN ARGUMENT THAN IT IS TO STIMULATE SOME QUESTIONS BY EMPHASIZING THE METAPHYSICAL DIMENSIONS OF THE DISCOURSE AND PRACTICE OF REPRESENTATATION, AND TO ADDRESS SOME SUGGESTIONS GENERATED BY THESE QUESTIONS.

The political development of Romania started after the death of Nicole Ceausescu in 1989. The article describes and analyses institutional and behavioural dynamics of the political processes that have occurred in Romania since 1989. This article focuses on the constitutional framework of governing institutions. This paper tries to explore the understanding of theoretical approaches to political and institutional development in the country. It examines the evolution of legislative, executive, and judiciary bodies. These are the three pillars of democracy. The article discusses how political parties participating in elections, form a government and will look at the stability of the institutions. This article examines institutional foundations of the coalition government in the 1990–2020 post-communist democracy period in Romania. The article starts with the institutional framework premise that electoral systems and constitutional provisions on the division of powers, structure, and the relationship between parliament and the president determines the point at which political power can be dispersed or concentrated in the political system.

This study examines the political thought of the era of khulafa' al-rasyidin. The aim is to explain the differences in political practices in each caliph reign after the death of the Prophet. Political practices have been carried out since the time of the Prophet Muhammad which is the Medina period, where the Prophet served as religious leader as well as head of state. During this time, the Prophet has many companions who were strong and smart in political affairs. After the death of the Prophet Muhammad the reign is successed by the sahabah or the companions. Historically, Muslims has four companions who are the successor to the Prophet, known as Khulafa' al-rasyidin. The political practice is adopted by Khulafa 'al-Rashidin has a standardized system, each caliph who rules implementing a different political system, following the conditions of the people that occurred at era. The four caliphs are appointed as leaders in different ways.

This is an author-produced PDF of an article accepted for publication following peer review. The publisher version is available on its site. ; Do different types of natural disasters – droughts, earthquakes, floods, storms, and others – trigger political instability? This study engages with this question. It revisits an ongoing debate over the nature of association between disasters and conflict and re-assesses this relationship using the model of conflict developed by the Political Instability Task Force as well as its data, measures of political instability, and methods of assessment. The study finds only marginal support for the impact of certain types of disasters on the onsets of political instability. The pre-existing country-specific conditions, including the resilience of a state's institutions to crisis, account for most of the variance in the dependent variable. Once the characteristics of a state's political regime are taken into account, the effect of disasters weakens or disappears completely suggesting that natural disasters become catalysts of political instability in only those states, which are already prone to conflict.