Suchergebnisse

Brief filed by legal counsel for Mapp et. al. arguing that the Board of Education has faield to demonstrate why Chattanogoa, Tennessee public schools should not be integrated immediately, advocating desegregation at earliest date.

While the number o f state PACs and their campaign contributions have increased substantially over the past decade, much remains unknown regarding their organization and activities. From a survey o f PACs in three states we develop a portrait o f political action committees, which extends beyond contributions. State PACs form around both economic and ideological issues; have very modest organizational structures; solicit funds primarily by direct mail and personal contacts; typically delegate responsibility for making campaign contributions to committees, which adopt accommodationist strategies; and have extended their activities to include voter education and mobilization. A number o f differences among the various types o f PACs are also evident.

Founded on the literary work Falling out of time, by David Grossman, the purpose was to indicate the creation of a space in language, through it, in the fracture of literature itself: a there, an over there, a some where language can take the author, characters, and readers to a space-place encounter expressed therein, in the words and silences. Literature as an intensive language, which, instead of seeking to say of the space-place-there as something outside, creates the space-place-there in the sharpening-folding of language itself, as it is its own raw material, the matter of expression of this space. Based on Deleuze and Pellejero's propositions about the political power of literature, address the opening of languages to less informative and more expressive aspects in teaching activities and, maybe, offering students themselves the possibility of providing us with visions – creating, resisting, acting with a will to art (Oneto) – others spaces-geographies not yet responsive to us, perhaps allowing us to invent possible others, other manners of witnessing (Vilela), other potentialities of literature in education, other manners of inhabiting space as Massey urges us to do. ; A partir da obra literária Fora do tempo, de David Grossman, apontar a criação do espaço na linguagem, através dela, na fratura dela mesma: um lá, um onde a linguagem pode levar autor, personagens e leitores até o encontro do espaço-lugar expresso ali, nas palavras e nos silêncios. A literatura como linguagem intensiva que, ao invés de buscar dizer de um espaço-lugar-lá como algo fora dela, cria espaço-lugar-lá no burilamento-dobra da própria linguagem, ela mesma sendo matéria-prima, matéria de expressão, desse espaço. A partir das proposições de Deleuze e Pellejero acerca da potência política da literatura, lidar com o abrir das linguagens para vertentes menos informativas e mais expressivas nas atividades de ensino e, talvez, permitindo aos alunos a possibilidade deles nos darem a ver – criarem, resistirem, agirem com vontade de arte (Oneto) – outros espaços-geografias ainda não sensíveis a nós, permitindo-nos, também talvez, a invenção de outros possíveis, outras maneiras de testemunhar (Vilela), outras potências da literatura na educação, outras maneiras de habitar o espaço, como nos incita Massey.

Examines the impact of variations in lobbying laws and their enforcement on variations in size, interests, and organizational forms of pressure groups; based on analysis of state lobby registration data, 1990-98.

Abstract: The Inter‐State Commission (ISC), although required by Australia's Constitution, has been in existence from 1913 to 1920 only. In 1975 the Labor government introduced a bill to set up the Commission. The bill was passed in a heavily amended form, but the legislation was not proclaimed by the incoming coalition government. A brief history of the "first" ISC raises the question of whether the High Court would ever have accepted the regulatory powers that the Labor government wished to invest in the late Commission. The ISC envisaged by the Labor government's bill would have had strong powers of regulation, arbitration and investigation over interstate and overseas transport. The Senate left it with weakened investigative powers only. Our Federal system encourages many government practices which are not in the interests of the community as a whole. However, while the ISC's role in curbing these practices would have been beneficial, the States have shown themselves too powerful politically to accept such policing, even if the High Court had allowed the ISC to do so. The ISC as conceived by Labor's bill would not have been politically viable, but the ISC as provided for in the Act would be worth setting up, as it would have several advantages over existing investigative mechanisms. It would have more experience and competence than ad hoc inquiries, and its continued existence would make it difficult to shelve its reports. Its statutory basis, broader terms of reference and its ability to force organizations to divulge information would all serve to make it a better investigative body than the Bureau of Transport Economics.

This paper aims to present a study into student teachers' and social workers' attitudes towards refugees in Poland. Based upon survey data, it explores three categories of respondents' attitudes towards refugees in Poland: 'positive,' 'ambivalent,' and 'negative'. Overall, the findings of this study reveal a very worrying trend – almost half of the participants (46%) demonstrated a negative position on accepting refugees into the country, indicating that they believe refugees possess a threat for both society as a whole and their own personal security. This paper concludes that teacher preparation and professional development are essential building blocks in developing more positive attitudes not only towards refugees, but also other minority social groups in Poland.

Intro -- Preface -- Contents -- Contributors -- Chapter 1: Ethnic and Racial Minority Youth in the Rural United States: An Overview -- Rurality, Ethnicity, and the Changing Ethnic/Racial Profile of Rural Places -- Dispersion of Ethnic Minority Youth Across Rural America -- Challenges Associated with Race/Ethnicity and Rural Places -- Organization of the Book -- Conclusions -- References -- Chapter 2: Racial-Ethnic Minority Youth in Rural America: Theoretical Perspectives, Conceptual Challenges, and Future Directions -- A Changing Rural America -- Defining Rural America -- Theoretical Frameworks and Conceptual Challenges -- Studying Racial-Ethnic Minority Youth: Why Race and Ethnicity Matter -- Theoretical Perspectives -- Social and Economic Contexts -- Poverty and Economic Hardship -- Transactional Relations and Processes -- Addressing the Challenges -- Conclusion and Future Directions -- References -- Chapter 3: Latinos in Rural, New Immigrant Destinations: A Modification of the Integrative Model of Child Development -- Integrative Model of Ethnic Minority Child Development -- Social Positional Factors -- Social Stratification Mechanisms -- Segregation -- Promoting/Inhibiting Environments -- Adaptive Culture -- Child Characteristics -- Family -- Conclusions -- References -- Chapter 4: Theoretical Perspectives on African American Youth and Families in Rural Settings -- Ecological Systems Theory -- Phenomenological Variant of Ecological Systems Theory -- Similarities and Differences in the Ecological Models -- Empirical Examples with Rural African American Adolescents -- Example #1: Racial Identity as a Buffer of Depressive Symptoms -- Example #2: Physical Activity as a Buffer for Anxiety -- Conclusions -- References -- Chapter 5: Theoretical Perspectives on Asian American Youth and Families in Rural and New Immigrant Destinations.

The clarity of marine spatial status requires a coherency between the state (territorial) sea boundary and the provincial sea boundary because both have the same sea width of 12 nautical miles. However, the two sea boundaries use different references; the state sea boundary refers to the low-water line, whereas the provincial sea boundary refers to the high-water line, so that the outer limits of the two sea boundaries differ. From the applicable provisions, the provincial sea management area may not exceed the territorial sea area. The method used to detect the overlap between the state sea and the provincial sea is the overlay method. By taking the study area of the waters of the province of East Nusa Tenggara, a difference is produced between the position of the outermost boundary of the territorial sea of the state of Indonesia and the sea area of East Nusa Tenggara province. The results of this study show differences in the boundaries of the state and provincial seas. To prevent potential issues, in the process of implementing Marine Spatial Planning (MSP) and/or Integrated Coastal Zone Management (ICZM), there must be a clarity and a uniform reference between the state and provincial sea boundaries; otherwise, it will create an overlap of authorities, between the state (central) and the provincial level. This incoherency shows that this practice has not fulfilled one of the requirements in implementing ICZM, which requires the integration of all aspects, including political boundaries.

Excellence in education without equity risks leading to large economic and social disparities; equity in education at the expense of quality is a meaningless aspiration. The most advanced education systems now set ambitious goals for all students, focusing on both excellence and equity. They also equip their teachers with the pedagogic skills that have been proven effective and with enough autonomy so that teachers can use their own creativity in determining the content and instruction they provide to their individual students.The fourth International Summit on the Teaching Profession brought together education ministers, union leaders and other teacher leaders from high-performing and rapidly improving education systems, as measured by PISA (the OECD Programme for International Student Assessment ). Their aim was to discuss equity, excellence and inclusiveness in education by exploring three questions:• How are high-quality teachers developed, and how do schools with the greatest need attract and retain them?• How can equity be ensured in increasingly devolved education systems? and• What kinds of learning environments address the needs of all students?To underpin the discussions, this publication identifies some of the steps policy makers can take to build school systems that are both equitable and excellent. The analysis is complemented with examples that illustrate proven or promising practices in specific countries.

In recent years, the American political parties have shifted their positions on elementary and secondary education policy, both relative to each other and to their own past positions. Established explanations for party issue position-taking privilege the influence of groups in the parties' coalitions; yet in this case, both parties have taken positions opposed by important components of their bases. We develop a general framework for understanding party issue position adoption and change that highlights the role of issue definition—the considerations, values, and goals associated with a policy debate at any one time. This framework helps us to explain the participation and preferences of groups regarding an issue; the perceived ideological fit and strategic benefits of issue positions for parties; and how parties negotiate and manage issue conflict within their coalition. We apply that framework to the case of education policy, showing how education issue definition has changed over time—from a focus on resources and equality to an emphasis on values and excellence—and how those changes have been consequential for each party's changing, and converging, positions on education policy. We conclude by discussing the potential application of our model of party issue positioning to other issues in American politics.

AbstractVirtually all accounts of political trust in the US regard declining trust over the past half-century to be troubling. We argue that these interpretations are in need of reassessment since they often are rooted in the normatively questionable assumption that higher trust is always desirable. We review traditions in democratic theory and American thought extolling the virtues of skepticism and distrust of government and discuss potential problems in common trust measures and conclusions based on them. Using data from the 2014 General Social Survey, we explore relationships between trust, commitment to being vigilant watchdogs of government, and attitudes and behaviors generally considered desirable for a healthy democracy. Our findings indicate that higher trust is not always accompanied by characteristics of good democratic citizens. In fact, it is those individuals who exhibit lower levels of trust with high levels of vigilance who are most politically engaged. Thus, healthy skepticism of government may contribute to the vitality of democracy.