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Oftentimes, teachers who identify themselves as LGTBIQ+ may feel unsafe at work, which may upset their wellbeing and destabilize their key psychological traits. Hence, feelings such as insecurity, lack of self-confidence, anxiety, and fear are on loop in their everyday lives. Thus, in this study we pursued an examination of the interplay between sexual orientation and teacher wellbeing in a cohort of seven university foreign language teacher trainers in a Spanish context. To gain insight into this issue, a qualitative study in line with the ecological paradigm was designed for the elaboration of semi-structured in-depth interviews and for the analysis of results. The main findings display teacher wellbeing as a complex interwoven system in which sexual orientation had played a core role in their identities, competences, private and professional relationships, and in the cultural and political spheres. We conclude by stating that although homophobic discrimination was a hard trial to overcome, the psychosocial capital of the participants allowed them to transform this negativity into positive assets such as queer activism in their private and political lives and in their profession as foreign language teacher trainers.

This article examines some of Greta Thunberg's life writing as an example of the creativity and ingenuity with which some young people engage with the identity category of 'youth' in their life writing. It argues that Thunberg's activism uses personal testimony in order to amplify expertise testimony as an epistemic source that demands action on climate change. This strategic use of life writing produces a paradoxical, but seemingly effective, form of life writing in which Thunberg provides personal testimony to the future. The article analyses how this paradoxical form of testimony is produced by situating Thunberg's life writing in the context of the social and political investment in youth as an identity genre central to understanding of the human life course, and to how political responsibility is figured in contemporary western democracies. Drawing on theories of new media as an affective site in which life unfolds, rather than being represented, the paper concludes by reflecting on how Wendy Chun's argument that networks involve the twinning of habituation and crisis mirrors Thunberg's argument that action on climate change demands that habitual ways of living and acting must be rethought in response to the climate crisis.

This article examines some of Greta Thunberg's life writing as an example of the creativity and ingenuity with which some young people engage with the identity category of 'youth' in their life writing. It argues that Thunberg's activism uses personal testimony in order to amplify expertise testimony as an epistemic source that demands action on climate change. This strategic use of life writing produces a paradoxical, but seemingly effective, form of life writing in which Thunberg provides personal testimony to the future. The article analyses how this paradoxical form of testimony is produced by situating Thunberg's life writing in the context of the social and political investment in youth as an identity genre central to understanding of the human life course, and to how political responsibility is figured in contemporary western democracies. Drawing on theories of new media as an affective site in which life unfolds, rather than being represented, the paper concludes by reflecting on how Wendy Chun's argument that networks involve the twinning of habituation and crisis mirrors Thunberg's argument that action on climate change demands that habitual ways of living and acting must be rethought in response to the climate crisis.

Oftentimes, teachers who identify themselves as LGTBIQ+ may feel unsafe at work, which may upset their wellbeing and destabilize their key psychological traits. Hence, feelings such as insecurity, lack of self-confidence, anxiety, and fear are on loop in their everyday lives. Thus, in this study we pursued an examination of the interplay between sexual orientation and teacher wellbeing in a cohort of seven university foreign language teacher trainers in a Spanish context. To gain insight into this issue, a qualitative study in line with the ecological paradigm was designed for the elaboration of semi-structured in-depth interviews and for the analysis of results. The main findings display teacher wellbeing as a complex interwoven system in which sexual orientation had played a core role in their identities, competences, private and professional relationships, and in the cultural and political spheres. We conclude by stating that although homophobic discrimination was a hard trial to overcome, the psychosocial capital of the participants allowed them to transform this negativity into positive assets such as queer activism in their private and political lives and in their profession as foreign language teacher trainers.

43 páginas ; This paper analizes the new legal paradigm that recognizes rights of nature and its main issues and characteristics. Later, analysis focuses on the political trends that have supported this approach, describing the process that allowed the recognition rights of nature in several countries and the role of political mobilization to achieve this goal. Finally, the paper focuses in analysis of the national jurisprudence, judicial activism that enables the recognition of rivers and ecosystems as legal entities and the possibilities of the new jurisprudence. ; Inicialmente el documento analiza el nuevo paradigma jurídico que reconoce derechos a la naturaleza y sus principales manifestaciones y características; posteriormente se centra en las tendencias políticas que han soportado este enfoque, describiendo el proceso que permitió el reconocimiento de derechos de la naturaleza en varios países y el papel que jugó la movilización política para el logro de ese objetivo; finalmente el trabajo se enfoca en analizar la jurisprudencia colombiana, el activismo judicial que ha facilitado los fallos que reconocen a ríos y ecosistemas como sujetos de derechos, y las posibilidades futuras de estos fallos jurisprudenciales.

Treball Final de Màster Universitari en Estudis Internacionals de Pau, Conflictes i Desenvolupament (Pla de 2013). Codi: SBG119. Curs acadèmic: 2018-2019 ; This thesis explores the causes and consequences of gender inequality in Pakistan. With a feminist and anthropological lens, it aims to look at the political, social, and economic struggles of women. The historical background of the current gap in gender equality will be explored. The cultural concept of patriarchy will be analysed in relation to different forms of violence against women, e.g., cultural, structural, and direct violence, but also social, political, and economic violence. In conclusion, the study suggests that patriarchal structures are the root cause for gender inequality and gender-based violence. Within the last part of the thesis, a solution space is opened, that introduces different approaches to diminish the struggles of women. The capability approach is proposed as an extended version of human rights that offers a powerful philosophical frame, however, its implementation in the reality displays limitations. Women's activism (female agency) and education remains a key part in the fight for gender equality.

This article explores an instructive case of translation critique against the background of the rise of Zionism in Europe at the turn of the previous century. It seeks to answer the question: Why did David Frishman, one of the most prolific Hebrew writers and translators of the late 1890s and early 1900s, criticize Vladimir Jabotinsky's Russian translation of Hayim Nahman Bialik's Hebrew poems? Both Bialik and Jabotinsky were major figures in the field of Hebrew culture and Zionist politics in the early 1900s, while Frishman generally shunned partisan activism and consistently presented himself as devoted solely to literature. Frishman perceived literature, nevertheless, as a political arena, viewing translation, in particular, as a locus of ideological debate. Writing from the viewpoint of a political minority at a time in which the Hebrew translation industry in Europe gained momentum, Frishman deemed translation a tool for cementing cultural hierarchies. He anticipated later analyses of the act and products of translation as reflective of intercultural tensions. The article suggests, more specifically, that it was Frishman's view of the Hebrew Bible that informed his "avant-garde" stance on translation.

AbstractIf political activities (demonstration, revolution, war) can be understood as forms of ritual performance in which temporary social hegemonic inversions typically are followed by competing efforts to restore structure or define a new structure, then under what conditions would they offer potential for changes in family dynamics and gender roles? The past few years in Yemen have witnessed extraordinary political and socioeconomic turbulence, from the 2011 Arab Spring revolution to the 2015 brutal war. Yemeni families have been significantly impacted in myriad ways, including displacement, family separation, poverty, violence, unemployment, sectarian strife, disruption of education, and mental illness. Men and women have demonstrated a high level of public activism during the Arab Spring and the war, further altering family dynamics and the gendered social tapestry, in a highly patriarchal country. Social "disorder," including modification of gender roles, is often challenged by those desiring to restore "order," the "traditional" family structure, and patriarchy. This study analyzes gendered dimensions of the "Yemen Spring" and the subsequent war, with a particular focus on the link between gendered family dynamics and the sociopolitical landscape, also considering the role religion and religious groups play.

AbstractThe indigenous and Fourth World communities in multiple Asian regions are again making noises. As the incoming ALSA president, I wish to offer a new perspective called the Fourth World Approaches to International Law (FWAIL) to understand the nature of pandemic indigenous people's struggles for independence in Asia, to examine sociopolitical and historical roots of regional conflicts around many Asian peripheries, and to explore the contour of the social and political path for the recognition of indigenous rights for political sovereignty and independence under international law. Further, FWAIL is offered to give an active voice to indigenous people who have been victimized by predatory policies of the state system and international law, and to build a culture of collective resistance and opposition to hegemonic Western domination in the region. FWAIL also provides the framework to seek self-determination through activism, organizing, and negotiations with the state, in addition to the use of domestic law and international law. Furthermore, FWAIL is offered to give an alternative vision for the preservation of biodiversity and natural environment necessary for the survival of the human race in the coming generations in Asia.

In the 2010s in Turkey, the ruling Justice and Development Party's (AKP) authoritarian-populist turn accompanied the institutionalization of political Islam. As laicism was discredited and labeled as an imposed-from-above principle of Western/Kemalist modernity, the notion of equality ceased to inform the state's gender policies. In response to AKP's attempts to redefine gender relations through the notions of complementarity and fıtrat (purpose of creation), women across the political spectrum have mobilized for an understanding of gender equality that transcends the laicism–Islamism divide yet maintains secularity as its constitutive principle. Analyzing three recent attempts of women's coalition-building, this article shows that, first, gender equality activists in the 2010s are renegotiating the border between secularity and piety towards more inclusive understandings of gender equality; and second, that struggles against AKP's gender politics are fragmented due to different configurations of gender equality and secularity that reflect class and ethnic antagonisms in Turkish society. The article thereby argues for the need to move beyond binary approaches to secularism and religion that have so far dominated the scholarly analysis of women's activism in both Turkey and the Nordic context.

This article examines the political footprint of a new wave of grassroots humanitarian organisations in the informal refugee camp, popularly dubbed 'The Jungle', in Calais, northern France. Set against the formal humanitarian void created by the French state barring of international aid agencies, and the abject conditions of camp life, we trace the shifting socio-spatial remit and progressive politicisation of these 'apolitical' organisations as they encounter a crisis of human rights in the Jungle, prior to its violent demolition by state decree in October 2016. In foregrounding the organisational perspectives of Play4Calais and the Refugee Youth Service, and their unorthodox deployment of play, sport, cinema and art, we reveal a grassroots humanitarian praxis which offers an alternative to the large-scale 'professionalised' registers of aid delivery. By virtue of their relative informality, spatial proximity and volunteer activism, these grassroots organisations not only stand in tension with the violent border sovereignties of neoliberal states, but open up the inchoate possibility for political struggle and refugee-centred claims-making over the right to inhabit the 'exceptional' space of the camp.

Abstract
This article examines grassroots sistering, a unique model of transnational social justice activism that took shape in the 1980s as ordinary people in the United States "adopted" villages in civil-war-torn El Salvador. These pages highlight the particular role that Wisconsin played in the development of this transnational sistering network, which, by the time the Salvadoran political conflict ended in 1992, linked more than fifty cities, churches, and health projects in the United States with counterparts in El Salvador. An analysis based on previously unexplored archival records of several Wisconsin-based organizations reveals that, although Wisconsinites and their U.S. allies provided real succor to Salvadorans traumatized by war, sistering went far beyond humanitarianism. In fact, sistering relationships were intentionally designed as a nonviolent protest against Cold War policies propagated by authorities in San Salvador and Washington, DC. More specifically, sistering challenged the counterinsurgency strategies of the Salvadoran government, protested U.S. interventionist policies, and modeled viable alternatives to exploitative political, social, and economic relationships. Through sistering, activists pursued an idealistic vision of democracy inspired in equal measure by Wisconsin's celebrated progressive vanguard, the New Left, and the popular revolutionary struggle in El Salvador.

This essay seeks to critically examine some of the strategies (critical, political, and aesthetic) implemented by a previous generation of feminist thinkers, and to understand which elements of this activism might be effectively repurposed for today. More specifically, it speculates upon what the cyberfeminism of the 1990s – a diverse 'range of theories, debates, and practices about the relationship between gender and digital culture' (Daniels, 2009: 102) – might have to offer emancipatory political projects in the twenty-first century. Given that there are a range of gendered challenges specifically relating to 'living in the condition of virtuality' (Hayles, 1999: 18) – from sexual harassment via social media to privacy and the protection of online images – there is still much to gain from engaging with pre-millennial cyberfeminist thought. However, not only have technomaterial conditions changed considerably over the past twenty years or so, but the theoretical underpinnings of some cyberfeminist endeavours appear in critical need of an update. In what follows, I will seek to acknowledge and build upon important activist genealogies, whilst gesturing toward some possible avenues for expanding upon and revising this element of our feminist history.

Based on a documentary inquiry aimed at reconstructing the processes of denunciation of imperialism associated with the Congolese Rally for Democracy (RCD)'s war in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), by the maï-maï militia of Maniema, the article examines under the lens of historical criticism (heuristic and hermeneutic) the politicoideological contents of the essential documents whose impact on the rural masses remains crucial: their over-politicization of the latter. The study shows how a political mobilization that initially targeted awareness-raising for the recruitment of new combatants among rural Congolese youths has reactivated the protesting reflex of the rural populations both towards the rebels and their Rwandan allies, and maï-maï combatants. The repeated abuses of the maï-maï militias have thus brought down the nationalist mask which their ideological propaganda maintained until then. The pervasive activism of youths and especially the emergence of radicalized groups confirm the thesis of political violence as an indicator of democratic deficiencies of a weakened state through processes of globalization badly assumed in the African Great Lakes area.