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This article introduces the first version of a new, standardized data tool that can be used to test models of global income allocation, the Standardized Income Distribution Database (SIDD). It is based on a comprehensive collection of income distribution data compiled by the United Nations University's World Institute for Development Economics Research (UNU‐WIDER 2000). International and intertemporal inconsistencies in these data have historically limited its use. We estimate adjustment factors for different scopes of coverage, income definitions, and reference units which, when applied to the raw data, bring all data to a common standard based on national coverage, gross income, and household per capita inequality. Criterion validity checks confirm that these adjustments boost the correlation between measured income inequality and national social indicators. The SIDD is also clean, free of duplicates, and easy to access. The SIDD will be useful both to students reading income inequality and to those conducting broad cross‐national research on the relationship between income inequality and a range of important outcomes, such as health, criminality, and social support.

As part of a multi-sited international research project (Montreal and Kinshasa) organized around the idea of audience-based research, the "Ethnographies of Listening" research team attempted to go beyond previous studies of the Congolese popular music industry by conducting systematic surveys throughout Kinshasa from June 2002 to August 2005. In the early phases, a large amount of time was spent considering the question of representativeness: how to be sure interviews were conducted in a random and representative manner. Subsequently, the reality of field research and the constraints imposed by limited communication and financial resources led to discussions about the very notion of representativeness and whether or not it was pertinent to the study of popular music. Local and foreign researchers disagreed about the importance of having equal representation in the survey sample and selection of sites. This difference of opinion led to useful discussions about the supposedly inclusive nature of this "collaborative" research project and how its evolution coincided with what some team members referred to as a democratic moment in national politics. Adapted from the source document.

An introduction to a special section on, "Transnational Networks & New Security Threats," points out the importance of addressing the impact on security of transnational political networks (those that attempt to directly or indirectly influence governmental policies/practices). Transnational networks are described as "a series of nodes that are connected through links of communication &/or exchange of resources." The advantages & disadvantages of networks for political actors are explored, along with their increasing use for criminal purposes; efforts of global government networks to combat the threat of criminal transnational networks; & various kinds of public-private networking. It is noted that new security threats from transnational networks include terrorism, cybercrime, political insurgency, & trafficking in both drugs/people. The three essays are part of a larger research project funded by the Airey Neave Foundation of London. They examine how networks affect the state as a locus of power/authority in the international system by showing how they both generate new security threats that challenge state authority & enhance the ability of states to improve security governance. 24 References. J. Lindroth

In explaining why party leaders may alter social security policy, the globalization literature highlights the limits governments face in implementing programs supportive of social protection. This article calls for greater attention to the role of agency & political leadership in manufacturing social policy changes. Although international competition may set new & complex parameters within which party leaders interact, agency choice is crucial for explaining policy changes. The aim in this article is to introduce the strategic element to analysis of the redistributive impact of ruling parties. To this end, Australia is focused on as a case study & two factors are explored. First, the Australian Labor Party (ALP) is analysed as a multidimensional variable, particularly in terms of ideological coherence, the structure of competition & party organization. The argument rests on the assumption that party leaders enjoy a degree of freedom to act according to their own criteria. Second, the evolution of the bargaining power of trade union leaders & party leaders is examined. The article indicates that discretionary changes to social policy may also be the outcome of strategic considerations. 2 Tables, 2 Figures, 72 References. [Copyright 2002 Sage Publications Ltd.]

The famous Godel's theorem has mainly held the attention of logicians, epistemologists and philosophers. May it also bring a contribution to the thoughts of theorists of Law ? This appears in any case possible in the framework of theories, like that of Kelsen, which are working with the concept of systems of legal norms forming hierarchically an universal legal System, including the international law and ail the other minor legal systems. The main problem is then the validity of these different Systems of legal norms. Thus one may draw up a parallel with the Godel's theorem, which more particularly refers to the validity of systems of mathematical axioms forming also an hierarchical System.
In order to well indicate that his Pure Theory of Law is limited to positive law, Kelsen has conceived a basic norm, which serves, on the theoretical level, to found the validity of the whole of the legal norms. The Godel's theorem does not imply whatever limitation of this kind. Other divergencies result from the materials upon which Godel and Kelsen have built their respective theories.

Во введении рассмотрены основные характеристики политических мифов и показано, что в отношении нашей страны они базируются на поверхностных исторических и культурных взглядах на политическое прошлое России и тенденциозных идеологических и психологических оценках современных политических процессов. В качестве основных методов авторами используются культурологический, социально-философский и дискурсивный анализ публичных практик. Рассматриваются основные темы, поднимаемые в западной научной литературе и прессе: отсталость нашей страны, авторитарность режима, репрессивный характер государства, коррупция, национализм, нарушения прав и свобод личности, агрессивная внешняя политика и т. д. В ходе анализа отмечено, что сама российская действительность дает некоторые основания для подобных заключений. В то же время, используя конкретные данные, авторы корректируют критические суждения и опровергают многие из них. Главной претензией наших оппонентов является утверждение о неспособности или сознательном нежелании России стать органической частью западной цивилизации. Тем самым нашей стране отказывается в праве на историческую самобытность и поиски альтернативных путей развития. Результатом исследования является общий вывод о том, что в большинстве западных мифов проявляется неприятие России как самостоятельной державы и ее независимого политического курса и содержатся попытки навязать ей собственные представления и интересы. Встречаются и объективнысуждения о нашей стране. Авторы считают, что процесс отказа от взаимных обвинений и стереотипов будет длительным и сложным, но он необходим для установления равноправных партнерских отношений. Для этого Россия должна преодолеть собственные трудности и добиться идейного консенсуса и консолидации всего общества.

I propose to present contributions to interpret the relations between curricular prescriptions of the Argentine primary education system and the textbooks, educational means that present courses or systematized subjects in the last five decades. Apart from a linear political and pedagogical reading, their stories show signs of congruent acceptance and development, as well as parallelism, "ascending" influences, productive exchanges, and merely formal acceptances. I justify the diachronic reading of these relations in the continuity of editorial productions, despite the social and political conflicts reflected in the changes of norms. I also consider the editorial contributions to curriculum policies, as well as their declines. We seek the intelligibility of intertextual relations in the complexity of the existence of curricular norms and textbooks, focusing on the interpretation of pedagogical approaches to norms and their development in the textbooks, in the articulation with aspects of the political context. I also propose to begin readings that link our history with that of international institutions relevant to research in the field of textbook research. ; Me propongo realizar algunos aportes para interpretar las relaciones entre las prescripciones curriculares del sistema educativo de nivel primario argentino y los libros de texto, medios educativos que desarrollan cursos o disciplinas sistematizadas, durante las últimas cinco décadas. El eje de reflexión general será la índole de las vinculaciones. Lejos de aparecer a la lectura política y pedagógica como lineales, sus historias muestran indicios de adopciones y desarrollos congruentes, así como también de paralelismos, influencias "ascendentes", intercambios productivos y adopciones meramente formales. Justifico la lectura diacrónica de dichas relaciones en la continuidad de las producciones editoriales, a pesar de la conflictividad social y política reflejada en los cambios de normas. Considero también los aportes editoriales a las políticas curriculares, así como sus declinaciones. Se trata, en síntesis, de intentar una mayor inteligibilidad de las relaciones intertextuales en la complejidad de la coexistencia de normas curriculares y libros de texto. Los focos para proponer interpretaciones de esas relaciones son los enfoques pedagógicos de las normas y de sus desarrollos en los libros. Estas relaciones serán abordadas intentando perfilar algunos aspectos del contexto político que puedan contribuir a profundizar sus sentidos. También propongo iniciar lecturas que vinculen nuestra historia con las de instituciones internacionales relevantes por su aporte a la investigación manualística. ; Proponho apresentar aportes para interpretar as relações entre prescrições curriculares do sistema educativo primário argentino e os livros didáticos, meios educativos que apresentam cursos ou disciplinas sistematizadas nas últimas cinco décadas. Distanciadas de uma leitura política e pedagógica linear, suas histórias mostram indícios de aceitações e desenvolvimentos congruentes, bem como de paralelismos, influências "ascendentes", intercâmbios produtivos e aceitações meramente formais. Justifico a leitura diacrônica dessas relações na continuidade das produções editoriais, apesar dos conflitos de ordem social e política refletidos nas mudanças de normas. Considero também as contribuições editoriais para as políticas curriculares, bem como seus declínios. Busca-se a inteligibilidade das relações intertextuais na complexidade da existência de normas curriculares e livros didáticos, focalizando na interpretação os enfoques pedagógicos das normas e seu desenvolvimento nos livros, na articulação com aspectos do contexto político. Proponho também dar início a leituras que vinculem nossa história com a de instituições internacionais relevantes para a investigação no campo da manualística.

Oxford-Oxfordshire, UK, and the Verband Region Stuttgart or the Metro Region in Germany are two of Europe's high-tech powerhouses, facing similar challenges concerning housing and infrastructure provision and accommodating regional as well as local economic growth. Based on desktop studies and semi-structured expert interviews, this paper examines the respective institutional, political and cultural contexts for strategic planning in the two distinct settings, aiming to identify the evolving balance of socio-spatial dimensions influencing each case. While the interplay of territory, place, scale and network is different across the two cases, both face ongoing dilemmas. In the Stuttgart region, an established and smoothly running economic and spatial growth-machine has stuttered as growth has reached capacity and localities have asserted their constitutional controls on urban expansion. In Oxford (and the wider county of Oxfordshire), there has been a contrasting dislocation between an emerging growth agenda and a fractured governance context that is historically less oriented towards growth. Additionally, Oxfordshire has operated since 2010 against the background of localism in English planning and an increasing reliance on city and housing/growth 'deals' negotiated with central government to access planning flexibilities and infrastructure funding. Conclusions are drawn with the aim of mutual learning from the different international experiences and of informing approaches to strategic and inter-municipal planning.

International pressure prevented Croatia from ending the occupation of eastern Slavonia by military means. The author claims that the policy of peaceful integration and the UNTAES mandate are rife with risks which might jeopardize the eventual Croatian control of that region. He points out a set of contentious issues related to the occupied territory: the incomplete demilitarization, dual government (parallel UNTAES and Serbian authorities), no return for the non-Serbian refugees, staying on of the Serbs from other parts of Croatia, Bosnia and Serbia. Particularly risky for Croatia are the efforts of the local Serbs to retain absolute ethnic majority as the grounds for establishing territorial autonomy which would enable the militant accolytes of Greater Serbian politics to remain in the region and push for the secession and annexation by Serbia, the efforts which would in all probability be given military support by Serbia, this time under the circumstances which would be much more unfavourable for Croatia than in 1995. The author concludes that for Croatia the only acceptable solution is the total integration of eastern Slavonia and the establishment of full Croatian sovereignty while the creation of a Serbian autonomous province in that region must on no account be permitted. (SOI: PM: S. 188)

For years, the construction of social subjectivity has been conditioned by the role of the so-called mass media, but the multiplicity of media platforms today contributes to the configuration of reality. In this context, this study analyses how the discourse of the far right in Spain effectively criminalised the International Women's Day (8M) demonstrations in the first year of the pandemic by linking them to an increase in Covid-19 infections. To implement this strategy, Spain's far-right party, Vox, used its social media accounts, but it also had the support of ultra-conservative digital media outlets to legitimise its discursive distortions. Taking this into account, this article presents a content and critical discourse analysis of the Twitter and Gab accounts operated by Vox and its leaders, Santiago Abascal and Rocio Monasterio, as well as three ultra-conservative newspapers, La Razón, OK Diario, and Libertad digital. The period covered is from 8 March 2020 to 8 March 2021.

Policy measures to combat low literacy are often targeted at municipalities or regions with low levels of literacy. However, current surveys on literacy do not contain enough observations at this level to allow for reliable estimates when using only direct estimation techniques. To provide more reliable results at a detailed regional level, alternative methods must be used. The aim of this article is to obtain literacy estimates at the municipality level using model-based small area estimation techniques in a hierarchical Bayesian framework. To do so, we link Dutch Labour Force Survey data to the most recent literacy survey available, that of the Programme for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIAAC). We estimate the average literacy score, as well as the percentage of people with a low literacy level. Variance estimators for our small area predictions explicitly account for the imputation uncertainty in the PIAAC estimates. The proposed estimation method improves the precision of the area estimates, making it possible to break down the national figures by municipality.

International audience ; We measure the extent to which consolidated liquidity in modern fragmented equity markets overstates true liquidity due to a phenomenon that we call Ghost Liquidity (GL). GL exists when traders place duplicate limit orders on competing venues, intending for only one of the orders to execute, and when one does execute, duplicates are cancelled. We employ data from 2013, covering 91 stocks trading on their primary exchanges and three alternative platforms and where order submitters are identified consistently across venues, to measure the incidence of GL and to investigate its determinants. On average, for every 100 shares pending on an order book, slightlymore than 8 shares are immediately cancelled by the same liquidity supplier on a different venue.This percentage is significantly greater for HFTs than for non-HFTs and for those trading as principal. Overall, GL represents a significant fraction of total liquidity, implying that simply measured consolidated liquidity greatly exceeds true consolidated liquidity.