Planning and financing long-term care services for American Indian and Alaska Native (AIAN) elders is a challenge. Institutional care (i.e. nursing homes) is not desired by most elders and has high costs for both the elders and tribal governments. In contrast, less expensive home care can provide enough assistance to keep most disabled elders in their own or their relatives' homes, where they prefer to be. State Medicaid programs are one source of funding for home and community based long-term care services on reservations. We have compiled 20 guides that include a general overview of Medicaid in-home care programs as well as state-specific Medicaid home care details, such as services reimbursed by home and community based care programs and key contact information. These tool kits provide a road map for tribal health programs that are considering long-term care services, with a focus on personal care services for the elderly and disabled people that can be funded by Medicaid. The guides were developed on behalf of the Indian Health Services and with the assistance of numerous agency and state representatives. The tool kit provides information on a number of topics, including: Why Provide Medicaid Personal Care Services What Are Personal Care and other non-medical in-home services Medicaid Programs that Provide In-home Services How Personal Care and other in-home Services are Provided Tips for Developing a Plan for Delivering Medicaid Home Care Services
Social contacts are an important aspect of an individual's quality of life. Social contacts take place at a certain time and location: Geography matters, for instance, at home or a work location or at different types of (local) facilities such as schools, shops, sports, and catering facilities. For urban planners, it is essential to know which locations provide opportunities for social interaction. As this knowledge is currently largely lacking, more empirical research is needed. The purpose of this study, therefore, is to analyze the diversity of participation in social activities at different locations and the relationship among social interaction location, sociodemographic characteristics, and characteristics of the residential environment. The analyses are based on two-day social interaction diary data that were collected in 2008 among 747 respondents living in the Eindhoven region in The Netherlands. A latent class multinomial logit model is used to segment respondents in terms of their social activity location choices. The article reports findings of several descriptive analyses and the latent class model. Four latent classes are identified, showing different patterns in choices for social activity locations. Latent class membership can be explained by household and personal time-use characteristics (e.g., gender, age, household type, number of face-to-face social interactions, frequency of contact with neighbors), as well as characteristics of the residential environment (e.g., urban density, distance to several facilities, and satisfaction with local facilities). The findings could provide useful information for local governments and planners regarding the importance of public facilities for social interaction of various segments of the population to support individual well-being and neighborhood livability.
This paper explores the social structures of late medieval Vlachs – particularly the ones inhabiting the Western Balkans (the Dinaric Alps) – in order to determine how collective identities were shaped and reproduced in medieval oral cultures. Southeast European historiographies have often portrayed the Balkan Vlachs as a unitary group and the label "Vlach" as representing a single, homogenous social entity during most of the Middle Ages. Still, social groups cannot exist and function without regular communication – oral or written – between their members. Oral cultures are based on verbal communication and are therefore bound by its specific nature, given that it requires continuous personal contact and oral transfer of information for communication and society to function properly. Literate cultures on the other hand tend to rely on written communication to a considerable extent and given that it allows for information to be conveyed impersonally (by text) its range is (at least in theory) almost limitless – as it is the level of (il)literacy that represents the main communicative and social limit in literate societies. Having in mind the abovementioned communicative and social limits of orality and the fact that it was the predominant if not exclusive form of communication among transhumant pastoralists such as the medieval Balkan Vlachs this paper argues that the range/scope of their group identities and collective identifications was rather limited. Furthermore, this paper discusses the types of collective identities utilized by Vlachs, questioning whether they ever shared a common "Vlach identity" given the fact that the social identity of the medieval people known as "the Vlachs" was primarily shaped and defined from the "outside" and "above" – by state intervention and a legal frame that was forced upon them. The Vlachs in the Medieval Balkans, and particularly in its western part, generally did not possess political authority and power, nor did they have the material resources and literary traditions allowing them to form more complex and enduring communication networks that would in turn have resulted in group identity formation on a larger scale. During the Early Middle Ages the Vlachs were "Vlachs" primarily because they were labelled as such and considered to be a distinct category of population by their Slavic (and later Byzantine) neighbours and overlords, and not necessarily because they originally defined themselves as such. This is not to say that gradually, during the course of the Middle Ages, the bearers of the "Vlach" name could not have started to identify themselves as "Vlachs" by accepting this foreign name (xenonym) as their preferred group name (autonym). Still, when this finally did happen it did not imply a "universal" Vlach identity in the medieval Balkans. Given the communicative limits of oral cultures as well as the Vlachs' position as legal and political "objects" rather than "subjects" it seems most likely that the medieval Balkans witnessed a simultaneous existence of a multitude of "Vlachnesses" which were usually unrelated and unaware of each other. ; This paper explores the social structures of late medieval Vlachs – particularly the ones inhabiting the Western Balkans (the Dinaric Alps) – in order to determine how collective identities were shaped and reproduced in medieval oral cultures. Southeast European historiographies have often portrayed the Balkan Vlachs as a unitary group and the label "Vlach" as representing a single, homogenous social entity during most of the Middle Ages. Still, social groups cannot exist and function without regular communication – oral or written – between their members. Oral cultures are based on verbal communication and are therefore bound by its specific nature, given that it requires continuous personal contact and oral transfer of information for communication and society to function properly. Literate cultures on the other hand tend to rely on written communication to a considerable extent and given that it allows for information to be conveyed impersonally (by text) its range is (at least in theory) almost limitless – as it is the level of (il)literacy that represents the main communicative and social limit in literate societies. Having in mind the abovementioned communicative and social limits of orality and the fact that it was the predominant if not exclusive form of communication among transhumant pastoralists such as the medieval Balkan Vlachs this paper argues that the range/scope of their group identities and collective identifications was rather limited. Furthermore, this paper discusses the types of collective identities utilized by Vlachs, questioning whether they ever shared a common "Vlach identity" given the fact that the social identity of the medieval people known as "the Vlachs" was primarily shaped and defined from the "outside" and "above" – by state intervention and a legal frame that was forced upon them. The Vlachs in the Medieval Balkans, and particularly in its western part, generally did not possess political authority and power, nor did they have the material resources and literary traditions allowing them to form more complex and enduring communication networks that would in turn have resulted in group identity formation on a larger scale. During the Early Middle Ages the Vlachs were "Vlachs" primarily because they were labelled as such and considered to be a distinct category of population by their Slavic (and later Byzantine) neighbours and overlords, and not necessarily because they originally defined themselves as such. This is not to say that gradually, during the course of the Middle Ages, the bearers of the "Vlach" name could not have started to identify themselves as "Vlachs" by accepting this foreign name (xenonym) as their preferred group name (autonym). Still, when this finally did happen it did not imply a "universal" Vlach identity in the medieval Balkans. Given the communicative limits of oral cultures as well as the Vlachs' position as legal and political "objects" rather than "subjects" it seems most likely that the medieval Balkans witnessed a simultaneous existence of a multitude of "Vlachnesses" which were usually unrelated and unaware of each other.
As the number of personal exposure studies expands and trends favor greater openness and transparency in the health sciences, ethical issues arise around reporting back individual results for contaminants without clear health guidelines. Past research demonstrates that research participants want their results even when the health implications are not known. The experiences of researchers and institutional review boards (IRBs) in studies that have reported personal chemical exposures can provide insights about ethical and practical approaches while also revealing areas of continued uncertainty. We conducted semi-structured interviews with 17 researchers and nine IRB members from seven personal exposure studies across the United States to investigate their experiences and attitudes about the report-back process. Researchers reported multiple benefits of report-back, including increasing retention and recruitment, advancing environmental health literacy, empowering study participants to take actions to reduce exposures, encouraging shifts in government and industry practices, and helping researchers discover sources of exposure through participant consultation. Researchers also reported challenges, including maintaining ongoing contact with participants, adopting protocols for notification of high exposures to chemicals without health guidelines, developing meaningful report-back materials, and resource limitations. IRB members reported concern for potential harm to participants, such as anxiety about personal results and counterproductive behavior changes. In contrast, researchers who have conducted personal report-back in their studies said that participants did not appear overly alarmed and noted that worry can be a positive outcome to motivate action to reduce harmful exposures. While key concerns raised during the early days of report-back have been substantially resolved for scientists with report-back experience, areas of uncertainty remain. These include ethical tensions surrounding the responsibility of ...
As the number of personal exposure studies expands and trends favor greater openness and transparency in the health sciences, ethical issues arise around reporting back individual results for contaminants without clear health guidelines. Past research demonstrates that research participants want their results even when the health implications are not known. The experiences of researchers and institutional review boards (IRBs) in studies that have reported personal chemical exposures can provide insights about ethical and practical approaches while also revealing areas of continued uncertainty. We conducted semi-structured interviews with 17 researchers and nine IRB members from seven personal exposure studies across the United States to investigate their experiences and attitudes about the report-back process. Researchers reported multiple benefits of report-back, including increasing retention and recruitment, advancing environmental health literacy, empowering study participants to take actions to reduce exposures, encouraging shifts in government and industry practices, and helping researchers discover sources of exposure through participant consultation. Researchers also reported challenges, including maintaining ongoing contact with participants, adopting protocols for notification of high exposures to chemicals without health guidelines, developing meaningful report-back materials, and resource limitations. IRB members reported concern for potential harm to participants, such as anxiety about personal results and counterproductive behavior changes. In contrast, researchers who have conducted personal report-back in their studies said that participants did not appear overly alarmed and noted that worry can be a positive outcome to motivate action to reduce harmful exposures. While key concerns raised during the early days of report-back have been substantially resolved for scientists with report-back experience, areas of uncertainty remain. These include ethical tensions surrounding the responsibility of ...
I first met Judi in the academic year 1971-1972. I had been hired a year earlier by Miami University, Oxford, Ohio, and Judi's husband, Jimmie Trent, was hired that year to chair my department. Judi found a position at the University of Dayton and commuted there from Oxford. Our friendship and our regular revision of our book kept Judi and me in constant contact as did many other projects and many mutual friends. Over the years we got to know each other very well. What began largely as a professional friendship grew into a personal one as well. While I have always considered Judi to be an excellent researcher and writer, I am most pleased to call Judi a good friend.
This opinion piece is a reflection on the UK government's policy response to the war against the COVID-19 pandemic. In the initial stages, concerns were raised with respect to a lack of effective personal protective equipment, availability of ventilators and diagnostic tests. The early defective strategy based on the flawed assumption of building herd immunity in the population was quickly replaced with isolation and social distancing. Subsequently, testing and contact tracing were adopted which too has been criticised for being 'too little, too late'. With the possibility of the second wave, the concern is the extent to which the United Kingdom has learnt lessons from the first wave and is in a position to effectively respond to the second wave of COVID-19.
The Chukchi-speaking population is distributed within three regions of the Russian Federation—Chukotka, Kamchatka, and Yakutia. Because of the lack of regular transportation between these regions and different attitudes toward the Chukchi from the local authorities, Chukchi-speaking communities in these regions have become isolated from one another and have been developing independently. This article observes the dynamics of language shift in all Chukchi-speaking areas through the analysis of the data of the Russian Censuses (1897–2015), literature sources, and personal observations. The figures in this article illustrate the distribution of Chukchi-speaking communities within their historical and modern homeland, Chukchi vernacular zones, the participation in traditional economic activities, and contacts with other languages.
District magnitude and list type shape the incentives for politicians to develop a personal vote. If voters also react to these strategies, their knowledge about candidates should be influenced by these features of the electoral system. This article directly tests the responsiveness of voters by employing individual-level survey data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems. As district magnitude increases, more people remember at least one candidate in closed list systems, but there is no such effect in open list systems. These influences are also larger for non-voters than for voters. A measure of political contact is not affected in this way. The differential effect of district magnitude can be explained by a different campaign focus.
District magnitude and list type shape the incentives for politicians to develop a personal vote. If voters also react to these strategies, their knowledge about candidates should be influenced by these features of the electoral system. This article directly tests the responsiveness of voters by employing individual-level survey data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems. As district magnitude increases, more people remember at least one candidate in closed list systems, but there is no such effect in open list systems. These influences are also larger for non-voters than for voters. A measure of political contact is not affected in this way. The differential effect of district magnitude can be explained by a different campaign focus.
District magnitude and list type shape the incentives for politicians to develop a personal vote. If voters also react to these strategies, their knowledge about candidates should be influenced by these features of the electoral system. This article directly tests the responsiveness of voters by employing individual-level survey data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems. As district magnitude increases, more people remember at least one candidate in closed list systems, but there is no such effect in open list systems. These influences are also larger for non-voters than for voters. A measure of political contact is not affected in this way. The differential effect of district magnitude can be explained by a different campaign focus.
AbstractPublic views regarding the punishment of offenders have been extensively examined. Yet, the opinions of prison staff have been relatively less well documented, despite the clear implications of such views in officers' use of personal discretion on the job. The aim of the study was to assess the nature and sources of punitive attitudes among prison staff from a maximum‐security prison, using surveys. It was found that the most punitive staff members had less experience and minimal contact with prisoners. The least punitive staff were those with many years of service and whose work involved direct engagement in aspects of prisoner care and rehabilitation. The implications of these findings for the recruitment and training of prison staff are discussed.
This study addresses the Spanish Armed Forces, through 100 in-depth interviews and analysis of experiences in international operations. This has analyzed the contact with other actors in the theater of operations, training and training conducted prior to the mission, their accommodation and understanding of the rules of engagement, motivations, perceptions and experiences, personal and group performances, the degree of fulfillment of the objectives of the mission and family and psychological problems that may have generated the participation in a mission of this kind. The result of this case study is part of a national study called Lessons Learned on Asymmetric Warfare and sponsored by the ISA RC No 1 Working Group and the Military Profession ERGOMAS. Adapted from the source document.
Franz Kafka's personal interest in and contact with the anarchist movement have been fairly well documented, and many have pointed to affinities between his work and anarchist ideas. At the same time, a growing body of scholarship has documented the influence of anarchist politics on modernist aesthetics per se, primarily in terms of a shared resistance to representation—a project that Kafka appears not to share, or at least one he pursues in a very different way. This essay redescribes the strategies of representation found at work in novels such as The Trial and stories such as "The Refusal" in relation to anarchism, and thereby to contribute to a better understanding both of Kafka's political engagements and his unique form of narrative realism.
