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This article appeared in Strategic Insights, v.9, issue 1 (Spring-Summer 2010) ; pp. 3-29. ; In this article, I am concerned with wartime alliances between states and armed nonstate actors, particularly in Africa. Heterogeneous military partnerships of this kind occur throughout the historical record. Louis XIV of France, whose aphorism about war and the state provides the title of this article, was an enthusiastic user of his enemies' enemies; (2) but so was Medieval England with its Viking honor guard of 'Thingmen'(3) and so are the U.S. armed forces, whose Tribal Engagement Strategy in Afghanistan involves harnessing sub-state tribal actors to state-level reconstruction and security goals. (4) Amidst this long history of states using nonstates in war, the practice seems to have found its fullest expression in independent Africa. 70 percent of all conflicts producing more than 25 annual battlefield deaths in Africa since 1946, and 100 percent of the conflicts producing more than 1,000 deaths, involved an alliance including one or more nonstate combatant factions. (5) These numbers have generated media outcries (such as those aimed at the Sudanese governmentââ'¬â"¢s use of the Janjaweed), and a variety of tight-focus studies of particular partnerships at specific points of time,(6) but little in the way of synthetic work aimed at theorizing the phenomenon as a category of war in itself. Why is this? Part of the blame must be attributed to our scholarly and professional inability to think our way out of the state-centered corner into which our understandings of war have painted us. By this, I mean that although we know very well how war came to be dominated by states, (7) we are less sure of what direction the reversal of this monopoly will take, or is taking. A broad class of literature has grown up around the question, ââ'¬Å"What will the wars of the future look like, once states are no longer the only ones fighting?ââ'¬ï† Mary Kaldorââ'¬â"¢s ââ'¬Å"New Warââ'¬ï† thesis (8)is a well-known member of the class, as are the cluster of works dealing with the ââ'¬Å"Revolution in Military Affairsââ'¬ï† (RMA). However; as I have discussed elsewhere, (9) while these models are fine as far as they go, they tend either to focus entirely on powerful, legally constituted evolving-state-at-war (in the case of RMA), or dispense with it entirely by focusing on wars in which the state is a blown-out shell inhabited by violent scavengers and warlords (New War). ; Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

Diese Veröffentlichung von der Republik China von 1912 bis 1937: Entwurf für eine politische Ereignisgeschichte ist die dritte überarbeitete und erweiterte Auflage von 2007, die auf Manuskripten von Vorlesungen und Seminaren zum Thema aus den vergangenen siebzehn Jahren basiert. Alle Lehrveranstaltungen fanden für Studierende der Sinologie an der Universität Würzburg statt. Das Buch sollte als work in progress verstanden werden. Es ist ein Ergebnis aus der Lehre für die Lehre. In dieser Aufbereitung des Textes wird auf die Farbabbildung, die Nationalhymne, 65 Abbildungen, zwei Karten, die Kurzfassung auf Chinesisch, die Chronologische Tafel, das Register und die Bibliographie verzichtet. Die Anmerkungen zum jeweiligen Kapitel enthalten auch die vollständigen bibliographischen Angaben. Diese Veröffentlichung enthält das Vorwort, das Inhaltsverzeichnis, die Redaktionelle Vorbemerkung, die Einleitung sowie achtzehn Kapitel, die den Epilog: Der Zweite Weltkrieg und der Bürgerkrieg in China mit einschließen. ; Republican China from 1912 until 1937: Draft for a Narrative History of Political Events, in its third revised and enlarged edition of 2007, is published on the basis of manuscripts of seminars and lectures given on the subject during the past seventeen years to students majoring in Chinese studies at the University of Würzburg. The book should be considered as work in progress. It is a result of teaching and should be used for teaching. The manuscript published here does not include the colour plate, the national anthem, 65 figures, two maps, the abstract in Chinese, the chronology of major events, the index, and the bibliography. Bibliographical sources are given in the notes. It comprises the Preface (p. xi), the Table of Contents (p. xvii), Editorial Preliminary Remarks (p. xxiii), the Introduction (p. 1), and eighteen chapters, starting with chapter 1: Prologue – China Prior to the Revolution (p. 35). Hereafter follow chapter 2: The Revolution of 1911 (p. 75), chapter 3: Founding the Republic of China (p. 99), chapter 4: Yuan Shikai as President (p. 125), chapter 5: The Early Years of the Warlords (1916-1920) (p. 163), chapter 6: The May 4th, 1919 Movement (p. 187), chapter 7: The Political Dilemma of the May 4th Movement (p. 225), chapter 8: The Zhili Clique, the Communists and Sun Yatsen (p. 255), chapter 9: China on Her Way to Radicalism, 1925-1927 (p. 321), chapter 10: The Counter-Revolution and the Founding of the Nanjing Regime, 1927 (p. 385), chapter 11: The Policy of the National People's Party during the Nanjing Republic, 1928-1931 (p. 423), chapter 12: The Japanese Problem in China (p. 451), chapter 13: The Manchurian Incident on September 18th, 1931 ( p. 467), chapter 14: The Shanghai Incident in January 1932 and Its Consequences (p. 505), chapter 15: Mao Zedong and the Communist Party of China, 1927-1936 (p. 541), chapter 16: The Dictatorship of Jiang Kaishek (p. 589), chapter 17: The Outbreak of the Second Chinese-Japanese War in 1937 (p. 653), chapter 18: Epilogue – The Second World War and the Civil War in China (p. 683).

Literaturangaben

Liberia and Sierra Leone are commonly categorized as fragile and conflict-affected states. They are seen as being particularly vulnerable to organized crime due to deficiencies in their criminal justice systems and having insufficient control of their borders. But they also have emerged from peace processes combining state-building with the transformation of war economies. These were strongly based on the competing control of resources such as diamonds, gold, and timber by armed groups and state agents. A closer look at the illicit economies in both countries today reveals the legacy of these war economies and new dynamics that emerged with West Africa becoming a transit zone for South American cocaine destined for Europe. Although the organization of crime differs between sectors, the way it is tied to state-building and power structures in Liberia and Sierra Leone is quite similar. Surely, porous borders and a lack of regulation and effective law enforcement are real in both countries. But often organized criminal activities are linked to the very state that is supposed to build and defend the (reformed) framework of legality. Furthermore, certain components of illicit economies have important implications for development. Therefore, responses to organized crime need to be carefully crafted and should generally apply selective law enforcement measures combined with broader governance reforms and development-related initiatives addressing livelihood, health, and environmental issues. (Autorenreferat)

The anti-imperial uprisings, the warlord power struggle, the War of Resistance, and the Chinese Civil War took twenty to thirty million lives. Half of the casualties were civilian. Republican China, not unlike the Union government during the American Civil War and the European states during the First World War, began to manage the war dead. My dissertation, titled "The Sovereignty of the War Dead: Martyrs, Memorials, and the Makings of Modern China, 1912-1949," examines Republican China's effort to collect, commemorate, and compensate military and civilian dead in the first half of the twentieth century. I analyze how various government policies, such as the construction of martyrs' shrines in every county, the tracking of casualties by locality, the compilation of martyrs' biographies, and the distribution of gratuities to families of the war dead, contributed to the processes of state-building and nation-making in China and shaped China's social and cultural institutions in most profound ways. The toppling of the Manchu ruling class and the Confucian-educated elites did not lead to the construction of China as a nation of equal citizens. Republican China instead developed new political hierarchies through the promulgation of different regulations for compensating revolutionary predecessors, Party members, servicemembers, and bureaucrats, and their families exclusively. Conflicts of the unprecedented scale prompted the Nationalist state to extend its constituency by broadening the criteria for martyrdom to include civilians and pledging to provide for qualified bereaved family members. In exchange for recognition and compensation, family members had to demonstrate not only their allegiance to the party-state, but also their compliance to the moral codes prescribed by the state. As for the dead, their spirits dwelled in government-mandated Loyal Martyrs' Shrines (zhonglie ci), where the living performed a combination of traditional and modern rituals to memorialize their untimely departure.My dissertation advances our understanding of violence in the modern age. In twentieth-century China, conflicts were viewed as rational political choices, inevitable in the modern age, and inseparable from human experience, laying the rhetorical ground for further violence. Examining the changes in compensation and commemoration law from the 1910s to 1940s, I demonstrate that two processes – the bureaucratization of death (the construction of deaths with numbers and formulaic narratives) and the civilianization of war (increased presence of civilians in war as victims, supporters and penetrators) – contributed to the routinization of violence in postwar China. Political struggles from the 1950s to the present testify to how wars of earlier decades have normalized death in the cultural, social, and economic realms. Furthermore, I propose that the dead have sovereignty as their oft-perceived formidable power in the afterlife necessitates that political, social, and cultural institutions develop the means to control the way by which they are remembered. The sheer number of the dead, the eerie specter of their wronged souls, and the multiplicity of their memorialized identities upset the core of human existence.

近年來,學界對20世紀上半葉中國藝術鑒藏家的關注日益提升。這些鑒藏家豐富的收藏、鑒賞、研究和展示活動,不但造就了當時繁榮的文化生活,同時也逐漸塑造出今日對傳統"中國藝術"的看法。 ; 其中,葉恭綽(1881-1968)的貢獻和影響遠被人們忽視。葉恭綽原是北洋政府中一位政治領袖,在二十年代末退出政壇,專注於文化事業。作為一位積極的文化事業組織者,他參與策劃了一系列重要的保存、考古和展覽活動;而作為一位對中國藝術見多識廣的鑒藏家,他所擁有的收藏,以及對這些藏品的品評意見則體現了清末民初對古代藝術品的新觀念。本文將通過探討他的文化活動,收藏的經歷以及對古代書畫作品的評價,去回顧這位鑒藏家的品味,以及在時代轉變下中國文化藝術觀念的轉變。 ; In recent years, the Chinese art collector in early 20th century has excited more and more interest in academia. For it is their collecting, as well as appraising, researching and displaying activities, that not only enriched the contemporary cultural life, but also constructed the concept of "traditional art" nowadays. ; Ye Gongchuo(1881-1968) is a one of those collectors, whose contribution and influence have long been underestimated. He is a leading politician during the region of Beiyang warlord, and deeply participated in cultural activities after withdrew from politics. As a effective organiser, he had schemed many momentous archaeological expeditions and art exhibitions in his time; As a collector with broad vision, his collection and art critics demonstrated a new attitude on ancient Chinese art. Via Ye's collecting activities and critics, this thesis aim to review his idea on art, and the thoughts behind that. ; 童宇. ; Thesis Ph.D. Chinese University of Hong Kong 2016. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves ). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Title from PDF title page (viewed on …). ; Tong yu. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only.

Since 1945, violent conflict has occurred primarily within sovereign states rather than among them. These internal conflicts have far surpassed international conflicts in lethality, economic destruction, and social upheaval. This phenomenon is diverse: no region has avoided civil wars, while the stated aims of rebel groups have ranged widely. Prominent examples include anti-colonial nationalists in Algeria, Mozambique, and Kenya; ethnic separatists in Eritrea and Bosnia; leftists in Latin America and Southeastern Asia; Islamic fundamentalists in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria; and income seeking warlords in Liberia and Sierra Leone. Internal conflicts have emerged in rich European countries such as the United Kingdom and Spain, and in the context of state collapse and extreme poverty in the Democratic Republic of Congo and Somalia. Some civil wars have lasted only weeks, while the longest-- in Sudan-- lasted over 40 years.Intense violent conflicts often leave core state institutions debilitated, fragmented, or, in some cases, totally destroyed. For these societies, the central tasks for ending conflict and beginning post-war recovery involve reinvigorating or reestablishing legitimate state authority. These post-war states must both win the acquiescence of the governed and develop the infrastructural power to implement state policy. The risks of conflict relapse are significant: since 1970, 44 of 111 post-war cases (40 percent) relapse into a full-fledged civil war, while 68 of 111 (61 percent) experience at least a low-level conflict. The time for policymakers to mitigate this risk is short: of post-war countries that fall back into civil war, the median time to relapse is just 35.5 months. The immediate post-war environment is therefore particularly critical for determining the political, economic, and social trajectories of conflict-affected countries. The right combination of policies can help determine whether a country recovers quickly and secures any available peace dividend, or whether it relapses and slides into a conflict trap. This dissertation explains how societies that have managed to end their civil wars are able or unable to rebuild political order in the their post-war period.This dissertation focuses on one key policy arena-- perhaps the most critical policy arena-- for post-war societies to address: the security sector. It may sound simplistic or even tautological to claim that the organization, disposition, control, and reform of armed groups are the most important task for a post-war society to undertake. It may seem obvious to stress the importance of the size, competencies, oversight, social embeddedness, and other qualities of the military, the police, the intelligence services, and any remaining armed non-state actors. But such qualities resist easy quantification, and most scholars and practitioners over the past decade have focused on economic performance, political democratization, communal reconciliation, post-conflict justice, and other "soft-power" variables to explain patterns of post-war successes and failures. The following chapters attempt to shift the conversation back to the formation and reformation of security sector actors in war-affected countries.