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Students of international politics known as 'proliferation optimists' argue that when it comes to the spread of nuclear weapons 'more may be better' because nuclear weapons deter great power war and produce greater levels of international stability. This essay provides a critique of proliferation optimism, challenging optimism's conception of nuclear deterrence theory, its logical underpinnings, and its policy recommendations. It does this by conducting an intellectual history of proliferation optimism, identifying the core weaknesses of proliferation optimism as a theoretical framework, and articulating the myriad threats posed by nuclear proliferation. Adapted from the source document.

Patrick Dunleavy and Sean Kippin examine how democratic the UK's party system and political parties are. Parties often attract criticism from those outside their ranks, but they have multiple, complex roles to play in any liberal democratic society. The UK's system has many strengths, but also key weaknesses, where meaningful reform could realistically take place.

Patrick Dunleavy and Sean Kippin examine how democratic the UK's party system and political parties are. Parties often attract criticism from those outside their ranks, but they have multiple, complex roles to play in any liberal democratic society. The UK's system has many strengths, but also key weaknesses, where meaningful reform could realistically take place.

The continued prominence of Islam in the struggle for democracy in the Muslim world has confounded Western democracy theorists who largely consider secularism a prerequisite for democratic transitions. Kamran Bokhari and Farid Senzai offer a comprehensive view of the complex nature of contemporary political Islam and its relationship to democracy. ; https://scholarcommons.scu.edu/faculty_books/1111/thumbnail.jpg

We analyse the determination of taxes on harmful goods when consumers have self-control problems. We show that under mild conditions, the socially optimal tax rate exceeds the average distortion caused by self-control problems. Further, we show that in most cases the tax rate chosen in political equilibrium is below the socially optimal level.

An incisive look into the problematic relationships among medicine, politics, and business in America and their effects on the nation's health Meticulously tracing the dramatic conflicts both inside organized medicine and between the medical profession and the larger society over quality, equality, and economy in health care, Peter A. Swenson illuminates the history of American medical politics from the late nineteenth century to the present. This book chronicles the role of medical reformers in the progressive movement around the beginning of the twentieth century and the American Medical Association's dramatic turn to conservatism later. Addressing topics such as public health, medical education, pharmaceutical regulation, and health-care access, Swenson paints a disturbing picture of the entanglements of medicine, politics, and profit seeking that explain why the United States remains the only economically advanced democracy without universal health care. Swenson does, however, see a potentially brighter future as a vanguard of physicians push once again for progressive reforms and the adoption of inclusive, effective, and affordable practices

Theoretical literatures on procedural utility and the psychological benefits of political participation suggest that people who participate in political activities will be more satisfied with their lives because of the resulting feelings of autonomy, competence and relatedness. Individual-level data from Latin America show - in one dataset under study but not in another - a positive and statistically significant relationship between voting and life satisfaction. Variation in desire to vote as measured in Costa Rica, however, suggests that the causal arrow may run from happiness to voting. The use of multilevel models further reveals a consistent - but untheorized - cross-country negative relationship between enforced compulsory voting and happiness. Only preliminary results are found regarding the relationship between some other forms of political participation and life satisfaction.

Few American political institutions have prompted as much research, controversy, and debate during the post-World War II era as have political parties. In turn, few institutions have seen their demise (Broder 1971; Sundquist 1982; Crotty 1984; Wattenberg 1990, 1991) and, alternately, their re-juvenation (Schlesinger 1985; Kayden and Mahe 1985; Pomper 1981; Price 1984; Gitelson, Conway, and Feigert 1984) reported so often in scholarly publications, textbooks, and the popular press. Gibson and his colleagues suggested in 1985 that "[t]he last twenty years have not been kind to American political parties" (1985, 139), and, as we approach the twenty-first century, many scholars would agree that the past four decades have been marked by a volatile and changing party system.

It is now ten years since the Council of Europe's grand art exhibition 'Gods and Heroes of the Bronze Age – Europe at the Time of Ulysses' toured Europe as a means to 'increase the awareness of the value and the significance of the archaeological heritage' of Europe (AH 2008). Presenting the 'first golden age' of Europe, the Bronze Age exhibition was one of the first steps towards a more defined European cultural politics. The campaign represented something new in European politics, but the idea of the Bronze Age as a golden age in European history is not new. This article draws attention to the archaeological heritage which enabled such an idea to be put forward: Childean prehistory.

The independence of Mozambique in 1975 and its decolonisation process attracted worldwide attention as a successful example of ìnational unityî. Yet, the armed conflict that broke out between the government and the guerrilla force in 1977 lasted for sixteen years and resulted in over a million deaths and several million refugees, placing this concept of ìnational unityî into doubt. For nearly twenty years, Sayaka Funada-Classen interviewed people in rural communities in Mozambique. By examining their testimonies, historical documents, previous studies, international and regional politics, and the changes that various interventions under colonialism brought to the traditional social structure, this book demonstrates that the seeds of ìdivisionî had already been planted while the liberation movement was seeking ìunityî in the struggle years. Presenting a comprehensive history of contemporary Mozambique, this book is indispensable for Mozambican scholars. It promises to serve as a landmark study not only for historians and the scholars of African studies but also for those who give serious consideration to the problems of conflict and peace in the world.

This book is a collection of Cambodian women stories of dignity and empowerment and about Cambodian modern history from women's perspectives. Voices of women who survived the Khmer Rouge regime (1975-1979) broke their silence and shared their personal stories of motherhood during this time

What the Colonists Never Knew paints a vivid picture of what it was like to grow up Aboriginal in Sydney, alongside the colonists, from 1788 to the present.Peter Read's exploration of the history of Aboriginal Sydney is interwoven with Dennis Foley's memories of his own Gai-mariagal country, taking readers on a journey through the region's past. This book offers an honest account of the disappointment, pain and terror experienced by Sydney's First Peoples, and celebrates the survival of their spirit and their culture

Beginning in the late 1970s, Finland's Erkki Kurenniemi (1941-2017) actively labored to archive every possible aspect of his life. He took photos, made videos, and collected his tram tickets, receipts, body hairs, etc. Kurenniemi believed that within the next forty years, computer technoscience will have advanced sufficiently that it could be programmed to interpret the data of his archive and—on his 107th birthday, 10 July 2018—resurrect his consciousness. For Kurenniemi, this project was an experiment in the realms of neuroscience and artificial intelligence. However, it can also be seen as an experiment in aesthetics, or in what Jacques Rancière calls the "aesthetic regime" of art—an aesthetic-political historical framework imbued with the dynamics of democracy, where "everything speaks." This article reframes Kurenniemi's work within the aesthetic regime of art to draw attention to the "silent speech" and "aestheticunconscious" (Rancière) of the work and what is the literary nature of Kurenniemi's experiments with (techno)science.