Suchergebnisse

In Nigeria, the prevalence of irregular migration, human trafficking, and modern slavery reflects a socio-political deficiencies and a pure socio-economic imbalance between the rich and the poor. As a result, this study investigated the determinants and consequences of irregular migration, human trafficking, and modern slavery in Nigeria in the context of national and international perspectives. Several variables were believed to be determining factors of these events based on what is apparent in the existing literature reviewed, including poverty, low standard of living, insecurity, wealth disparity, leadership flaws, and a low level of education. This paper then concludes that, given the globalising nature of these events (irregular migration, human trafficking, and modern slavery), it would be extraordinarily impossible for any single country to adequately address the tremendous consequences emanating from these social events.

Résumé La popularité croissante de l'extrême droite et sa politisation des enjeux d'immigration, de genre ou d'autorité posent la question de l'existence en France d'un backlash culturel tel que théorisé par la littérature internationale. À partir de données d'enquêtes originales, cet article examine l'hypothèse d'un « retour de bâton » culturel, de ses dimensions attitudinales et de ses intersections avec le populisme. L'effet normatif des valeurs du backlash sur le vote présidentiel de 2022 est saisi à deux moments clés de la campagne. Si ces valeurs ont contribué à la cristallisation, à l'hiver, d'un « moment » Zemmour, elles paraissent en revanche avoir beaucoup moins pesé au soir du 10 avril. Nonobstant ces évolutions, les données confirment l'existence d'un malaise culturel diffus au sein de l'électorat français, fortement articulé avec le populisme, activable par les entrepreneurs politiques.

In this paper, I examine the neoliberal transformation of civil society through Mitchel Foucault's insights concerning knowledge, power, and governmentality. The objective of this paper is to trace the evolving understandings of civil society and how they relate to governmental rationalities and technologies of power. The traditional notion of civil society as a distinct and autonomous sphere has shifted toward an intermediary associations approach under neoliberalism. I posit that the mobilization of non-governmental organizations and civil society organizations by states, international organizations, and donor agencies since the 1990s constitutes a form of governmental technology, influenced by neoliberal rationalities. This technology serves the neoliberal agenda of undermining the social state, promoting market creation, and encouraging non-partisanship. This argument suggests that the rise of civil society as intermediary associations coincides with the decline of society.

We argue that legislators' trade attitudes reflect constituents' economic interests. Concretely, we expect that legislators from districts that are highly competitive in international trade should be more supportive of trade agreements than legislators from noncompetitive districts. The strength of this relationship should be lower in multimember districts and for right‐wing legislators. Data based on surveys with 3,576 legislators from 16 Latin American countries and 48 legislative periods between 2005 and 2019 allow us to test these expectations. The surveys captured legislators' attitudes towards trade agreements between their countries and the United States and the European Union, respectively, and the Pacific Alliance. We measure districts' trade competitiveness with an innovative combination of household survey and trade data. The evidence supports all three expectations. The findings contribute to research on trade policymaking, public opinion towards trade, and legislator behavior.

AbstractWith a view to contributing to a more nuanced view on the use of the vulnerability rhetoric in times of crisis, the article addresses the relationship between the "crisification" and "vulnerabilization" of human rights protection. In so doing, it discusses the concepts of crisis and vulnerability, as well as the related human rights obligations incumbent on states. By contemplating upon some of the processes through which the rhetoric of vulnerability both opens doors to protection and closes them, the article deconstructs vulnerabilization as an active legal and societal process in addressing different situations seen as crises. In so doing, it challenges the on-face neutrality of the concept of vulnerability as a tool to target protection in exceptional times and calls for an approach to vulnerability in times of crisis that is more firmly anchored in the normative baseline of international human rights law.

Abstract
The South African National Institute for Occupational Health (NIOH), formerly the Pneumoconiosis Research Unit, has previously milled about 544 kg of anthophyllite, crocidolite, amosite and chrysotile asbestos fibre materials. This endeavour came about in an attempt to address a recommendation, made by the International Union Against Cancer (UICC), to make asbestos standard reference samples available for research. Some of these reference samples, as well as the bulk, unprocessed materials are still within the care of the NIOH and can be obtained for the purpose of Public Health research under strict terms and conditions. Considering the hazardous nature of asbestos and regulated prohibitions imposed on this mineral, the NIOH asbestos storage facility is being subjected to various occupational and environmental control measures to ensure that any potential fibre release, and subsequent risk of exposure, are prevented.

Abstract
International Standard (ISO) 15202 describes methods for the determination of metals and metalloids in workplace air. Its development involved harnessing selected sample digestion procedures, promulgated in existing national standards, with additional method validation work carried out by HSE. In summary, requirements for air sampling (part 1); acid digestion procedures for dissolving air filter samples (part 2) and procedures for the analysis of digests (part 3) by inductively coupled plasma-atomic emission spectrometry (ICP-AES) are described. Exposure limit values for many metals/metalloids are now reducing and consequently more sensitive analytical techniques such as ICP-MS (promulgated in ISO 30011) may well be required in occupational hygiene laboratories. Boosting the sensitivity of the ICP-AES technique through the use of high efficiency sample introduction systems (nebulisers) is however possible as described in this presentation.

This article considers the role of the African Union (AU) in developing digital policy instruments that apply across the continent. The AU has launched a series of digital policies that are meant to guide legislation in member states in the past decade. The article explores the extent to which such instruments are effective in shaping law and policymaking in African countries. It finds that a set of methodological flaws in AU policy initiatives undermine the practical effect of the handful of AU-led policy instruments. Not only are the instruments adopted through a process lacking dynamism but also that the substance of the instruments falls short of international benchmarks, thereby undercutting their underlying objectives. The article submits that AU policymakers should carve an original policymaking role that helps make digital policies timely, dynamic and substantively robust.

The art treasures of the Vatican in the Lateran Treaty
ABSTRACT: Drawing inspiration from a recent initiative by the Pontiff, the contribution focuses on the peculiar juridical condition of the art treasures kept in the Vatican City, resulting from a series of provisions of the Lateran Treaty, other international conventions and recent Vatican legislation on the protection of cultural heritage. The result is a complex and articulated regulatory framework that underlines the role of the Holy See as a custodian and guarantor of one of the greatest historical and artistic heritages of humanity.
SOMMARIO - 1. Un gesto ecumenico di papa Francesco - 2. L'art. 18 del Trattato lateranense - 3. L'articolato quadro normativo attuale - 4. Suggestioni e questioni emergenti - 5. I tesori d'arte del Vaticano e la loro peculiare condizione giuridica - 6. Osservazioni conclusive.

Families have always been vulnerable. They have long been torn apart by the mass migrations of warfare, the oppression of minority groups, the closure of international borders and the refugee crises governed 'from above'. Families have also always been powerful symbols. Nationalist–populist movements have capitalised on fears about familial decline and liberal democracies have built moralistic views of the family into their welfare systems. Yet, this special issue aims to demonstrate that families have not merely been objects or subjects buffeted by political and social change. Rather, families have also consistently acted as 'agents of change'. This is not to valorise the family – families have been patriarchal, damaging and oppressive as well as supportive, empowering and caring. However, this is to say that historical work must take 'the family' seriously as an active participant in shaping historical change.

A state like Denmark, which is committed to the rule of law, is characterized by its democratic foundations, adherence to legal principles such as equality before the law, and a commitment to the protection of fundamental freedoms. This stands in contrast to other types of states where such elements are either absent or subdued. The question is what this contrast means for Denmark's ability to carry out or counter-influence operations. In this article, Denmark's ability to handle such operations is considered based on an analysis of key rules that bind the Danish state. Since the topic is, in principle, extensive, the article focuses on three legal issues: the duty of truthfulness for Danish authorities, the international legal principle of sovereignty, and the regulation of the use of force and armed conflict.

Along with the growth of economic power, China is gaining more and more influence in the world. Nevertheless, we can say that the distribution and export of foreign culture in China is relatively insufficient. The emergence of Confucius Institutes built bridges between Chinese culture and other states. The article focuses on the role of Confucius Institutes in improving the image and soft power of China. Confucius Institute has become a pioneer in the dissemination of traditional Chinese culture due to its significant value and significance, achieving the transmission and promotion of excellent traditional Chinese culture, completing the exchange and sharing of various cultures and improving its own system of cultural development, achieving its goals through scientific management and functioning beyond expectations, as well as allowing the international community to understand the deeper subtext of Chinese culture.

We study the effect of a victimization narrative on national identity and public opinion in China experimentally. Previous research has suggested that governments can shape public opinion by guiding citizens' collective memories of historical events, but few studies have established a clear causal link. By conducting an online survey experiment among 1890 urban Chinese citizens, we examine the causal impact of historical narratives on political attitudes. We find that, compared to control conditions, a narrative focusing on China's humiliating past in the late Qing significantly reinforces respondents' attachment to the victim side of the Chinese national identity, raises suspicion of the intention of foreign governments in international disputes, stimulates preference for more hawkish foreign policies, and strengthens support for China's current political system. These effects are particularly strong among respondents without a college degree.

The international response to armed conflict in Africa often takes the form of a regime complex characterized by institutional proliferation, overlap, unclear hierarchies, and multiple interconnections. At the same time, the course of conflict is hardly predictable. In such an environment, how can component units (institutional fora) of a regime complex effectively govern through complexity? We explore this question by focusing on the EU as an important actor within regime complexes. Building on the regime complexity literature and complexity theory, we identify four conditions. We argue that actors who operate as resource hubs, create complementarity, support system self-organization, and practice adaptive forms of peacebuilding are best placed to manage regime complexity. Empirically we probe these assumptions in the context of the Sahelian security regime complex and the role the EU is playing in it.

Within a global context, the increase in migrations in different regions of the world during this century has led to an increase in academic production on migration. The aim of this article is to analyze the autonomy of migration from the approaches of two of its greatest exponents, Mezzadra and De Genova, who investigate migration's political condition, addressing the relationships of mutual influence between migrants, borders, and the State. The contribution of this paper is to show how this theoretical approach focuses on two fundamental processes to understand migration. On the one hand, it refers to the actions, strategies, and practices of those involved in shaping cross-border migration. On the other hand, it considers the role of States and borders as legal-political and historical constructs in shaping international (often irregular) migratory flows.