Political Economy and the "National Interest"
In: Review of radical political economics, Band 1, Heft 1, S. 11-35
ISSN: 1552-8502
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In: Review of radical political economics, Band 1, Heft 1, S. 11-35
ISSN: 1552-8502
In: Transition Studies Review, Forthcoming
SSRN
In: Routledge international studies in money and banking, 62
National audience ; The virtue of national entrance examinations : the case of university professor recruitment examinations within the field of management science -- This paper questions the virtues and limitations of national entrance examinations for the senior civil service, valued as guaranteeing both the public interest, by selecting the best qualified individuals and the interests of the specific individuals concerned, by guaranteeing that they will be judged on merit. It studies the process for recruiting university professors in more specific detail. Economics, political science and management science ‑ historically derived from law ‑ are disciplines for which university professors are recruited through national agregation examinations. The research focuses on the entrance examinations organised for management science since their creation in 1976 until the 2007 competition. It identifies the factors which determine success in these examinations. By conductingeconometric analyses, which provide results with all things being equal, the paper highlights the significant impact of scientific output, as well as a network effect, which is quantitatively more important than that of publications. These results thus question the more or less fair character of these entrance examinations. ; Ce texte interroge les vertus et les limites des concours nationaux de recrutement dans la haute fonction publique, valorisés comme garantissant à la fois l'intérêt général, en sélectionnant les plus qualifiés, et l'intérêt particulier, en assurant un jugement sur le mérite. Nous étudions plus précisément le dispositif de recrutement des professeurs d'université. Historiquement issues du droit, l'économie, la science politique et les sciences de gestion sont des disciplines dotées d'un concours national d'agrégation du supérieur. La recherche menée porte sur les concours organisés en sciences de gestion depuis leur création en 1976 jusqu'au concours de 2007. Elle identifie les facteurs déterminants de la réussite à ces concours. En réalisant des analyses économétriques qui donnent des effets toutes choses égales par ailleurs, elle met en évidence un impact significatif de la production scientifique, mais aussi un effet de réseau, quantitativement plus important que celui des publications. Ces résultats interrogent donc le caractère plus ou moins équitable de ces concours.
BASE
National audience ; The virtue of national entrance examinations : the case of university professor recruitment examinations within the field of management science -- This paper questions the virtues and limitations of national entrance examinations for the senior civil service, valued as guaranteeing both the public interest, by selecting the best qualified individuals and the interests of the specific individuals concerned, by guaranteeing that they will be judged on merit. It studies the process for recruiting university professors in more specific detail. Economics, political science and management science ‑ historically derived from law ‑ are disciplines for which university professors are recruited through national agregation examinations. The research focuses on the entrance examinations organised for management science since their creation in 1976 until the 2007 competition. It identifies the factors which determine success in these examinations. By conductingeconometric analyses, which provide results with all things being equal, the paper highlights the significant impact of scientific output, as well as a network effect, which is quantitatively more important than that of publications. These results thus question the more or less fair character of these entrance examinations. ; Ce texte interroge les vertus et les limites des concours nationaux de recrutement dans la haute fonction publique, valorisés comme garantissant à la fois l'intérêt général, en sélectionnant les plus qualifiés, et l'intérêt particulier, en assurant un jugement sur le mérite. Nous étudions plus précisément le dispositif de recrutement des professeurs d'université. Historiquement issues du droit, l'économie, la science politique et les sciences de gestion sont des disciplines dotées d'un concours national d'agrégation du supérieur. La recherche menée porte sur les concours organisés en sciences de gestion depuis leur création en 1976 jusqu'au concours de 2007. Elle identifie les facteurs déterminants de la réussite à ces concours. En réalisant des analyses économétriques qui donnent des effets toutes choses égales par ailleurs, elle met en évidence un impact significatif de la production scientifique, mais aussi un effet de réseau, quantitativement plus important que celui des publications. Ces résultats interrogent donc le caractère plus ou moins équitable de ces concours.
BASE
National audience ; The virtue of national entrance examinations : the case of university professor recruitment examinations within the field of management science -- This paper questions the virtues and limitations of national entrance examinations for the senior civil service, valued as guaranteeing both the public interest, by selecting the best qualified individuals and the interests of the specific individuals concerned, by guaranteeing that they will be judged on merit. It studies the process for recruiting university professors in more specific detail. Economics, political science and management science ‑ historically derived from law ‑ are disciplines for which university professors are recruited through national agregation examinations. The research focuses on the entrance examinations organised for management science since their creation in 1976 until the 2007 competition. It identifies the factors which determine success in these examinations. By conductingeconometric analyses, which provide results with all things being equal, the paper highlights the significant impact of scientific output, as well as a network effect, which is quantitatively more important than that of publications. These results thus question the more or less fair character of these entrance examinations. ; Ce texte interroge les vertus et les limites des concours nationaux de recrutement dans la haute fonction publique, valorisés comme garantissant à la fois l'intérêt général, en sélectionnant les plus qualifiés, et l'intérêt particulier, en assurant un jugement sur le mérite. Nous étudions plus précisément le dispositif de recrutement des professeurs d'université. Historiquement issues du droit, l'économie, la science politique et les sciences de gestion sont des disciplines dotées d'un concours national d'agrégation du supérieur. La recherche menée porte sur les concours organisés en sciences de gestion depuis leur création en 1976 jusqu'au concours de 2007. Elle identifie les facteurs déterminants de la réussite à ces concours. En réalisant des analyses économétriques qui donnent des effets toutes choses égales par ailleurs, elle met en évidence un impact significatif de la production scientifique, mais aussi un effet de réseau, quantitativement plus important que celui des publications. Ces résultats interrogent donc le caractère plus ou moins équitable de ces concours.
BASE
In: Christian heritage series
"This outline of Christian political action was written by the nineteenth century pioneer of the genre, the Dutchman Guillaume Groen van Prinsterer. Groen not only developed a political philosophy based solidly in Reformation truths but he also formed a political party to bring those truths to bear in the political forum of his day. Then, as now, the battle was against the Revolution. Against the Revolution there is only one antidote: the Gospel. To proclaim and elaborate this truth was Groen van Prinsterer's life work. This volume-never before published in English-is an adept summary of it"--
"This book provides an accessible history of combined operations, one that reaches back to its earliest days but focuses primarily on the last 250 years, with emphasis first from the conflicts in North America from 1754 to 1783. The book will provide an informed and analytical narrative, emphasizing conflicts around the globe in order to offer coverage not only of the leading powers but also of all those involved in such operations. The author will consider the impact of technological development and of geopolitical changes, providing a dynamic account that looks at goals as well as means and strategies as well as operational and tactical considerations."--Provided by publisher
In: Contemporary Gulf Studies
In: Springer eBook Collection
Chapter 1 Introduction: Bringing Political Ecology back in -- Chapter 2 Unsustainable Development in the Gulf: Under Pressure -- Chapter 3 A short Environmental History in the Gulf: The Emergence of a Green Thought -- Chapter 4 Inside the Green State Organization: Accommodating state interests -- Chapter 5 Green business is good business: Environmental sustainability and adaptative state capitalism -- Chapter 6 The Externalization of environmental sustainability: Environmental cooperation, competition and hedging -- Chapter 7 Conclusion: The green delusion.
In: Theoria: a journal of social and political theory, Band 57, Heft 123
ISSN: 1558-5816
In: The Indian economic and social history review: IESHR, Band 48, Heft 1, S. 35-53
ISSN: 0973-0893
Islamicate societies produced an abundance of texts laying down Adab or rules for correct/ideal behaviour in professional and personal life. That literature, avidly read and invoked in South Asia too, gives one an impression that conformity must have been the rule. One must then ask: were there any efforts to not conform, and be more individualistic? And if there were, how did the society at large respond? This article traces a brief history of one form of acceptable individualism called waz'dari, which was for a while in the nineteenth century a notable feature of the Islamicate elite society at Delhi and Lucknow, and is still considered a cherished value by many. From it we learn that minor breaches in the observance of normative protocols were not only considered acceptable but were in fact admired if they were committed with elaborate consistency, instead of randomly or at whim. In other words, 'consistency in non-conformity' was also a cherished value for the civilised men of Delhi and Lucknow, though it may not have been an ideal for all. In fact, for some, it was seen as an obstacle in the path of the same elite's progress.
In: Politikologija religije: Politics and religion = Politologie des religions, Band 6, Heft 1, S. 113-131
ISSN: 1820-659X
This relationship between Sufism and politics presents itself at the heart of an emerging Western interest in Sufi political development. Western institutions have identified Tasawwuf as viable option for shaping all forms of cooperation and understanding with the Muslim world. Such a choice however, stems from factual realities shown in the practice of some Sufi schools and historical developments. This inquiry seeks to explore the historical context of Sufism in relation to political engagement while elucidating its course of interaction as a demonstration of its very values and ideals. This paper also examines some of the similarities and differences between the attitudes of classical and contemporary Sufi practices vis- à-vis political life, and evaluates the evidences of both the current approaches to and interpretation of the position of Sufism in today's world. This research demonstrates the partial interpretation that favours a particular trend pertaining to Sufism and politics, and suggests that the defiant and politically active interpretation of Tasawwuf is by large the dominant and historically consistent current in Sufi thought and practice.
In: Revista de Estudios Sociales, Heft 52, S. 32-51
ISSN: 1900-5180
In: European journal of political theory: EJPT, Band 8, Heft 2, S. 229-252
ISSN: 1741-2730
The recent `religious turn' within Locke scholarship has stressed the need to understand his theological commitments when approaching his political thought. One area of interpretation that has been completely transformed by this heightened sensitivity to the religious roots of Locke's thought is his account of property ownership which, it is claimed, contains a `right to charity' — a subsistence entitlement that trumps established ownership rights. However, this increasingly accepted interpretive claim has been made without significant attention to the way in which charity is deployed throughout Locke's writing. The aim of this article is to try and get to grips with Locke's various usages of the term and determine whether the concept he deploys is a consistent one. After discussion of the uncertain role charity plays in his account of property, we examine how it is defined in the Essay Concerning Human /nderstanding, and then turn to the crucial position it occupies in his theological corpus. Though Locke's understanding of charity seems fraught with ambiguities, the reason for these ambiguities relate to his configuration of charity as a disposition rather than a mere act , a configuration linked inextricably to his account of toleration.
In: Journal of peace research, Band 49, Heft 3, S. 431-444
ISSN: 1460-3578
Why are some countries more prone to social violence than others? Despite the fact that annual deaths due to homicides worldwide outnumber those due to organized armed conflict by a factor of roughly 3 to 1, this question has received very little attention from conflict and development specialists in recent years. As a modest first step in addressing this gap in the literature we draw together insights from the conflict and criminology literatures to develop a model of social violence that accounts for both political-institutional and socio-economic factors. While there is an extensive literature on the socio-economic determinants of social violence, there are only a handful of studies that consider the significance of political-institutional arrangements. Using cross-country estimates of homicides produced by the World Health Organization as an indicator of social violence, we test our model using OLS regression analysis for a sample of more than 120 countries. We find that countries with 'hybrid' political orders experience higher rates of social violence than those with strong autocratic or strong democratic regimes, and that weakly institutionalized democracies are particularly violent. We also find robust associations between indicators of poverty, inequality and ethnic diversity and social violence. These results indicate that social and political violence share some common underlying causes. We conclude by suggesting that the apparent global decline in organized armed conflict and the concomitant rise in social violence in recent decades may be linked to world urbanization and the 'third wave' of democratization in the global South, although further research is required to confirm this hypothesis.