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Abstract
The gender gap in support for trade is one of the most robust empirical findings to emerge from research on public opinion in international political economy. Even controlling for differences in education, skill level, industry affiliation, and other factors, women express consistently more protectionist views than men. Less frequently noted, and thus far unexplained, is that this gender gap varies cross-nationally. We advance an explanation that draws attention to national differences in gender discrimination, predicting that the gender gap will be larger in countries with greater gender discrimination. Using two decades of public opinion data across twenty-two OECD countries and measures of de facto and de jure gender equity, we conduct three separate empirical analyses of the relationship between levels of equity, women's trade attitudes, and the gender gap. The results support the contention that unequal gender treatment is an important driver of the gender gap in trade attitudes.

AbstractThis article examines the contemporary discourse of eco‐nationalism and its promotion of national sovereignty and belonging. I consider some of the strategies, symbols and narratives by which nationalist movements and political leaders have evoked environmental problems and particularly the global threat of climate change to justify excluding populations from 'native' lands, erect walls or other physical boundaries around national territories, and limit international traffic of people and goods. This promotion of nation seizes on concerns for continued collective existence, turning away from participation in global networks of culture, capital and cosmopolitanism to act as a bulwark against these networks. As such, it presents a mirror image of global nationalism: whereas the aim is still to take heed of global phenomena, these phenomena now appear as dark clouds on the horizon, from which national citizens must take cover.

Abstract
Under what conditions do states pursue counterinsurgency measures with little disregard for civilian life? This article argues that the states have an incentive to engage in group-selective violence involving disproportionate force when facing a local population sympathetic to an armed insurgent organization. Such a military strategy allows the state to punish the local population while claiming that civilian casualties are an unintended consequence of its counterinsurgency campaign. Using a nuanced measurement of civilian victimization that transcendences the dichotomous distinction between intentional and unintentional killings, this study focuses on the Kurdish conflict in Turkey. The empirical analyses, based on an original violent events dataset, demonstrate that the Turkish state's counterinsurgency campaign involves group-selective violence characterized by disproportionate force that aims to neutralize domestic and international reactions, punishes dissident political mobilization, and brandishes the government's nationalist credentials to the majority population.

AbstractThis study examines the impact of different regional determinants on heterogeneous territorial resilience to the COVID‐19 crisis, highlighting the role of innovation, particularly the engagement of research and innovation (R&I) entities in networks with businesses. Two ordinary least squares (OLS) models were separately estimated for the resistance and the recovery phases, complemented by a multinomial logistic model, applied to test for a nonlinear relationship between R&I networks and territorial resilience. The results are robust concerning the positive influence on municipalities' resistance and recovery of having R&I entities collaborating in innovation consortia. Education, stability, and sectoral diversification of the local labor market are also essential for regions to be able to resist to the crisis but seem not important for recovery. Finally, international trade openness and pre‐crisis labor performance penalizes both resistance and recovery from downturns.

'The Disenchantment of Progress. Towards a Luddite Critic of Technology' is a book by Andoni Alonso and Iñaki Arzoz,which was ready for publication in 2019, although it appeared two years later, in 2021. This review focuses on the theoretical changes from the authors' perspective on technology by taking into account the time lapse of almost twenty years between two common publications: Cybergolem. The Fifth Digital Column: Communal Anti-treatise of Hyper-politics, which they published in 2005, and The Disenchantment of Progress, published in 2021. Following the theses argued in this second book, the initial hopes on internet, a cyberspace that tried to share open access to information and increase the democratic grade of society at an international level, have failed. Being capable of developing self-criticism and exercising intellectual honesty, the authors propose to develop what they have called reflexive Luddism, a term explained along the review.

The author tries in this article to identify the features of China's sports diplomacy. The author suggests that even before the concept of "soft power" appeared, China used sports to promote itself on the world stage and form a favorable image. It was China that offered Ping-pong diplomacy to the world, which made it possible to establish a dialogue between China and the United States. All other types of Chinese sports diplomacy are also aimed at helping to implement the general strategy of the People's Republic of China, which should help the country create a special attractive image. The holding of the Olympic Games, the presence of China's political elite at various sporting events, the support of a number of sports - all this forms a unique phenomenon of China's sports diplomacy at the present stage of the development of international relations.

SYMBOLS OF HATE: VANDALISM AGAINST THE MONUMENT TO JÓZEF PIŁSUDSKI AND THE LEGION QUARTET IN CRACOW – CHARACTERISTICS OF SELECTED ASPECTS
The article analyses the concepts of and proposals for constitutional reforms put forward by one of the Polish democratic political groups, which was established in exile after the fall of the November Uprising (1830-1831). Young Poland, which was a part of an international conspiratorial organisation founded by Giuseppe Mazzini (Young Europe), an organisation marked by revolutionary democratism, which, according to Polish emigrants, meant primarily striving for national character, seeing its goal in regaining national independence lost by Poland as a result of partitions. In addition, however, the concepts of members of Young Poland strongly emphasized both Christian and Utopian socialist themes. The foundation of these concepts referred to republican ideas that arose from the Great French Revolution and were based on the principles of freedom, equality and fraternity.

This paper reports on the compilation of a multi-genre maritime domain-specific corpus and the research methods used to analyze it. The corpus was compiled using a combination of manual and automated methods, including web crawling and manual selection of relevant texts. Qualitative and quantitative methods, such as discourse analysis and statistical analysis, were employed to analyze the corpus. The paper describes the background, significance, text scope, principles, and process for compiling the corpus, and explores its applications, including maritime language curriculum development, standardization of maritime language genres, international maritime discourse analysis, term extraction, development of maritime domain-specific machine translation models, and the study of quantitative linguistics in the maritime domain. This study can provide a valuable resource for researchers and educators in the maritime domain and serve as a reference and inspiration for future studies in this field.

AbstractWe study green specialisation across EU countries and detailed 4-digit industrial sectors over the period of 1995–2015 by harmonizing product-level data (PRODCOM). We propose a new list of green goods that refines lists proposed by international organizations by excluding goods with double usage. Our analysis reveals important structural characteristics of green specialisation in the manufacturing sector. First, green production is highly concentrated, with 13 out of 119 4-digit industries, which are high-tech and account for nearly 95% of the total. Second, green and polluting productions do not occur in the same sectors, and countries specialise in either green or brown sectors. Third, our econometric analysis identifies three key features as relevant for green specialisation: (i) first-mover advantage and high persistence of green specialisation, (ii) complementarity with non-green capabilities and (iii) the degree of diversification of green capabilities.

We look at Alappad in coastal South India's Kerala and suggest the spatiality of power as a useful analytic to critique the trend towards nationalistic developmentalism. Recent recognition of the urban beyond metro cities is increasingly framed as a policy-heavy developmentalism. Here, central agencies, think tanks and non-governmental organisations reinforce this form of liberal perspectives, but also, such frames are reinforced by international collaborative projects with researchers of progressive ideological positions seeking to simplistically bring back the welfare state with little understanding of power structures on the ground. Here, groups termed at risk and marginal in line with ideas of southern epistemologies emphasise their political agency as particular constellations and varied material realms. To counter these ideas, we focus on the spatialities associated with various material practices. Without this, attempts to provincialise development in contexts such as Alappad are essentialising and de-politicising.

Rawls-Handbuch. Leben – Werk – WirkungHrsg. von Johannes J. Frühbauer, Michael Reder, Michael Roseneck & Thomas M. Schmidt(J.B. Metzler, 2023)692 SeitenKurzbeschreibungMit seiner "Theorie der Gerechtigkeit" löste John Rawls (1921–2002) eine Renaissance der normativen politischen Theorie aus, da sie Fragen nach der gerechten Verteilung von Gütern und Chancen wieder als eine zentrale philosophische Aufgabe ernst nahm. Es gilt als eines der einflussreichsten Werke der politischen Philosophie des 20. Jahrhunderts und kann nach wie vor als konstruktiver Beitrag zu aktuellen Diskussionen um Verteilungsgerechtigkeit gesehen werden. Mit seinem zweiten Hauptwerk "Politischer Liberalismus" hat er die Debatte eröffnet, wie wir unter Bedingungen einer pluralistischen Gesellschaft auf vernünftige Weise gemeinsam leben können. Das Werk von Rawls besitzt eine zentrale Bedeutung für die politische Philosophie der Gegenwart und für angrenzende Disziplinen wie Sozialwissenschaften, Rechtswissenschaften oder Theologie. Das Handbuch ist das erste deutschsprachige Nachschlagewerk, welches auf dem aktuellen internationalen Forschungsstand das Gesamtwerk von Rawls in seiner Entwicklung darstellt, zentrale Begriffe erläutert und zudem die wichtigsten Referenzen und Diskussionen vorstellt.Inhalt [pdf] [preview]Werk: SchriftenWerk: VorlesungenWerk: SonstigesReferenzautorenBegriffe und KonzepteWirkung: RezeptionRezeption: DiskurseWirkung: Rawls und seine Kritiker/innenBeiträge von Otfried Höffe, Thomas M. Schmidt, Tim Reiß, Peter Niesen, Oliver Hidalgo, Michael Roseneck, Regina Kreide, Johannes J. Frühbauer, Andreas Gösele, Eva Buddeberg, Michael Reder, Sofie Møller, Darrel Moellendorf et al.

Based on the extensive literature on the digital transformation of museums, this article explores how war museums can effectively use online media to fulfil their functions related to remembering, interpreting and debating war. The author focuses primarily on the context of ongoing armed conflict as war museums engage in a struggle, shaping, mobilizing and unifying narrative to support the war effort. The main part of the article is an analysis of the online activities of the Kyiv Museum of the History of Ukraine in the Second World War during the first months of the Russian full-scale invasion of Ukraine. The author analyses the online exhibitions, online projects and content of the official Museum's Facebook profile in order to explain how the War Museum uses its digital online resources to inform the local population and the international communities about the Russian aggression against Ukraine, and mobilize them to support the war effort.

Abstract
In this discussion of democracy's conceptual pluralism(s), Frederic Schaffer holds a guiding lamp to show what researchers should take into consideration in the study of "the democracies" and their "rough equivalents" as can be found across language, culture, time, and space. This act generates a focus on practical tactics in research and knowledge dissemination. Is it, for example, best to establish an international committee of democracy's epistemic experts to gather, code, and organize the meanings of democracy and their rough equivalents as can be found in the world? And, with such a committee or something altogether different, how can we relate this information to pro-democracy institutions and activists when so many appear to be interested only in liberal conceptions of democracy? The discussion ends with considerations of an open range of research and activism in the fields of democratic theory, comparative politics, and democratization.