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On 25 January 2000, the EU Member States decided to impose diplomatic sanctions on one of them. In response to the entry into the Austrian coalition government formed by Conservative Wolfgang Schlüssel of the far right party of Jörg Haider, Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) or Freedom Party of Austria, the 14 EU countries suspended bilateral relations with Vienna (.). ; Le 25 janvier 2000, les États membres de l'Union européenne ont décidé d'imposer des sanctions diplomatiques à l'un des leurs. En réaction à l'entrée dans le gouvernement de coalition autrichien formé par le conservateur Wolfgang Schlüssel du parti d'extrême droite de Jörg Haider, le Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) ou Parti de la liberté d'Autriche, les quatorze pays de l'UE ont en effet suspendu toute relation bilatérale avec Vienne (.).

India and China share a complex bilateral relationship, consisting of military confrontations, diplomatic dialogues, and intense economic activities, concurrent with multilateral engagements. Their growth prospects and future visions set them on a path of intense competition. Also, China's consistent growth to become a major player in the global arena poses many strategic challenges to India's growth story. The foremost challenge is that China poses a direct military threat to India, due to its rapidly modernising military forces, as well as the bloody history of India-China territorial disputes. Second, China's burgeoning economic muscle affords it the luxury of shaping world opinion in its favour and to India's detriment. This factor is compounded by China's influence on international bodies like the UN and financial institutions like the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), which may impinge on India's national interests. Coupled with this is the consistently expanding Chinese influence in South Asia, directly challenging India's dominant position in the region. This commentary examines the challenges that India faces from China and further evaluates possible strategic options for India.

Intro -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- Contents -- Notes on Contributors -- Abbreviations -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Chapter 1: Introduction -- References -- Chapter 2: Reflections on South Korean African Studies -- Introduction -- A Chronology of African Studies in Korea -- A History of South Korean African Studies: From the 1950s to the Early 2000s -- A History of African Studies: From 2006 to Today -- The Overseas Expansion of South Korean African Studies: 2012-2018 -- Poverty in the Midst of Plenty: The Current Situation of African Studies -- A Definitional Problem for South Korean African Studies -- Challenges Faced by South Korean African Studies -- Conclusion: What Is the Place of South Korean African Studies? -- References -- Chapter 3: South Korean Social Science Research on Africa -- Introduction -- Research Methods -- Analysis Methods -- Data Collection and Preparation -- Basic Statistical Information -- South Korean Social Science Research on Africa -- 1950s-1960s: Strategic Approach for Inter-Korean Issues -- 1970s-1980s: Seeking Cooperation Amid a Changing World Order -- 1990s-2010s: Toward Partnership -- Conclusion -- Appendix 1: Timeline of Diplomatic Relationships with African Countries -- Appendix 2: Frequent Keywords, 1970s-1980s -- Appendix 3: Frequent Keywords, 1990s-2010s -- References -- Chapter 4: Issues Raised on Korea's Official Development Assistance to Africa: Future Perspective -- Introduction -- Understanding Korea's Official Development Assistance -- Official Development Assistance Debates -- Korea's Development and Official Development Assistance -- Official Development Assistance Governance in Korea -- Official Development Assistance Coordination Process -- Partnerships Between Korea and Africa -- Country Partnership Strategy18 -- Scale of Korea's Official Development Assistance.

Includes abstract. ; Due to China's growing energy needs that stem from its unrelenting drive for economic development, Beijing stresses the importance of maintaining a continuous supply of energy, particularly oil, to maintain its impressive economic growth. However, seeing as China's domestic resources are unable to satisfy its projected future oil demands, the Chinese realise that, barring significant domestic oil discoveries, their dependency on oil imports, particularly from the Middle East, will continue to increase. Since the international oil scene is dominated by Western energy companies, China's fuel procurement strategy reflects a mercantilist approach to improving its position vis-a-vis established energy consuming nations. Beijing's mercantilist stance in securing energy resources is particularly demonstrated in its oil diplomacy, which makes use of various political and economic incentives that can only be employed by the state. China's energy-centric form of diplomacy has been inevitably extended to the globe's most hydrocarbon affluent regions. Of significant importance to the Chinese is the Middle East, particularly the Persian Gulf as it contains a large stake of the world's proven oil reserves. China has thus sought to improve its relations with Persian Gulf nations such as Iran. However, Iran's relentless pursuit to obtain nuclear capabilities has implicated China in Iranian-American tensions. Although China has sought to steer clear of becoming embroiled in the Iranian nuclear situation due to its improved standing in the Gulf, Beijing has unavoidably become a significant actor in the diplomatic brinkmanship over Iran's nuclear situation. The scenario surrounding Iran's nuclear ambitions essentially pits China's national interests of energy security against its desire to maintain favourable relations with the United States. In light of this, the following thesis - "by means of a literature survey" attempts to address how Beijing manages to maintain Iranian oil imports and uphold stable relations with Washington in the face of American-led international sanctions against Iran.

Hon Joseph T. Lawless Arrange all societies and public bodie your district cable premiere Clemenceau Paris immediately urging Peace Conference recognize Irish Republic and meantime institute impartial inquiry into atrocity charges against British government in Ireland. Urge your congressmen support mason resolution providing appropriation for diplomatic representative of Ireland. Friends of Irish Freedom oppose League of Nations covenant as a whole because it infringes on American Sovereignty and Perpetuates English domination over Ireland. Diarmuid Lynch ; https://digitalcommons.georgiasouthern.edu/lawless/1019/thumbnail.jpg

Nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg ist das Muster der Beziehungen zwischen Deutschen und Koreanern stark von der Teilung der beiden Nationen beeinflußt worden. Die Aufteilung Deutschlands in einen westlichen und einen östlichen Teil und die Aufteilung Koreas in einen südlichen und einen nördlichen Teil führten dazu, daß sich vier Beziehungspaare herausbildeten: Die Beziehungen zwischen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland einerseits und der Republik Korea (Südkorea) sowie der Koreanischen Demokratischen Volksrepublik (KDVR, Nordkorea) andererseits und die Beziehungen zwischen der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik (DDR) auf der einen Seite und der KDVR sowie der Republik Korea auf der anderen Seite.

"This book chronicles the diplomacy of civil rights activist Theodore Brown and the American Negro Leadership Conference on Africa to help end the Nigeria-Biafra civil war, from 1967 to 1970. The book challenges histories dismissive of the ANLCA, and makes its contribution to African American history and U.S. history, by arguing that the group was successful as the only African American group allowed to serve as mediators to the conflict. This was a "first" for African American relations with Africa as a result of post-coloniality. Their endeavor opened up a new avenue for relations between the two peoples. Their effort was unique because it was independent of the U.S. government"--

ABSTRACTApology diplomacy promises to assuage historical grievances held by foreign publics, yet in practice appears to ignite domestic backlash, raising questions about its efficacy. This article develops a theory of how political apologies affect public approval of an apologizing government across domestic and foreign contexts. The authors test its implications using large-scale survey experiments in Japan and the United States. In the surveys, the authors present vignettes about World War II grievances and randomize the nature of a government apology. They find that apology-making, both as statements acknowledging wrongdoing and as expressions of remorse, boosts approval in the recipient state. But in the apologizing state, backlash is likely among individuals with strong hierarchical group dispositions—manifested as nationalism, social-dominance orientation, and conservatism—and among those who do not consider the recipient a strategically important partner. This microlevel evidence reveals how leaders face a crucial trade-off between improving support abroad and risking backlash at home, with implications for the study of diplomatic communication and transitional justice.