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How researchers understood the atomic bomb's effects on the human psyche before the recognition of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder.

In 1945, researchers on a mission to Hiroshima with the United States Strategic Bombing Survey canvassed survivors of the nuclear attack. This marked the beginning of global efforts—by psychiatrists, psychologists, and other social scientists—to tackle the complex ways in which human minds were affected by the advent of the nuclear age. A trans-Pacific research network emerged that produced massive amounts of data about the dropping of the bomb and subsequent nuclear tests in and around the Pacific rim.

Ran Zwigenberg traces these efforts and the ways they were interpreted differently across communities of researchers and victims. He explores how the bomb's psychological impact on survivors was understood before we had the concept of post-traumatic stress disorder. In fact, psychological and psychiatric research on Hiroshima and Nagasaki rarely referred to trauma or similar categories. Instead, institutional and political constraints—most notably the psychological sciences' entanglement with Cold War science—led researchers to concentrate on short-term damage and somatic reactions or even, in some cases, on denial of victims' suffering. As a result, very few doctors tried to ameliorate suffering.

But, Zwigenberg argues, it was not only that doctors "failed" to issue the right diagnosis; the victims' experiences also did not necessarily conform to our contemporary expectations. As he shows, the category of trauma should not be used uncritically in a non-Western context. Consequently, this book sets out, first, to understand the historical, cultural, and scientific constraints in which researchers and victims were acting and, second, to explore how suffering was understood in different cultural contexts before PTSD was a category of analysis

Resumen: El autor introduce su trabajo con una serie de precisiones semánticas acerca de los conceptos principales que definen el objeto de su indagación: derecho, ciencia y jurisprudencia. Critica la noción de ciencia aplicada al derecho, y la aspiración a la certeza que ella conlleva y que pretende ser realizada por el positivismo y la ideología política de la soberanía según el modelo moderno y de la Revolución Francesa. Y pone de manifiesto las contradicciones en las que incurren las diversas corrientes positivistas. En el núcleo teórico de la investigación, contrapone convencionalismo y realismo, para pasar luego a analizar las concepciones modernas y contemporáneas de jurisprudencia y la concepción de Francesco Gentile acerca de lo que él denomina "geometría legal". La conclusión pretende mostrar que los errores de perspectiva acerca del derecho y la jurisprudencia terminan necesariamente en la desnaturalización del derecho y, en definitiva, en la injusticia. ; Abstract: The author introduces his work with a number of semantic clarifications about the main concepts that define the object of his inquiry: law, science and jurisprudence. Criticizes the notion of science applied to law, and the desire for certainty that it entails and intends to be performed by positivism and political ideology of sovereignty as modern model and the French Revolution. And highlights the contradictions incurred by various positivist currents. In the theoretical core of the research, convention and realism opposed to then analyze the modern and contemporary conceptions of jurisprudence and the design of Francesco Gentile about what he calls "legal geometry". The conclusion aims to show that the errors of perspective on the law and jurisprudence necessarily end distortion of the law and, ultimately, in unrighteousness.

"Carved into a rock overlooking the Columbia River stands the arresting image of Tsagaglalal, or "She Who Watches," an ancient female chief. As the Wishram people recount, when men replaced women in positions of power, Tsagaglalal was turned to stone by Coyote so that she could forever guide her community and guard its development. Using the story of She Who Watches as her guide, Armitage shows that even though women were barred from positions of public authority until recently, they have always worked quietly and informally to assure the stability and security of their families and communities. Women's community-building and cooperative skills have been decisive in developing the societies of the Pacific Northwest--Washington, Oregon, Idaho, western Montana, and British Columbia. Like She Who Watches, women have never been mere observers, but watchful guardians and active shapers of the public good. Drawing on her three decades of research and teaching and based on hundreds of secondary sources, Armitage's account explores the varied ways in which, beginning in the earliest times and continuing to the present, women of all races and ethnicities have made the history of our region. An accessible introduction for general readers and scholars alike, Shaping the Public Good restores a missing piece of Pacific Northwest history by demonstrating the part that women--"the famous, the forgotten, and all the women in between"--Have always played in establishing their families and building communities."--

"Congress, the Press, and Political Accountability is the first large-scale examination of how local media outlets cover members of the United States Congress. Using three samples of local newspapers from across the country, Arnold analyzes all coverage over a two-year period - every news story, editorial, opinion column, letter, and list." "The results show enormous variation in coverage. Some newspapers cover legislators frequently, thoroughly, and accessibly. Others - some of them famous for their national coverage - largely ignore local representatives. The analysis also confirms that only those incumbents or challengers in the most competitive races, and those who command huge sums of money, receive extensive coverage."--Jacket

"Congress, the Press, and Political Accountability is the first large-scale examination of how local media outlets cover members of the United States Congress. Using three samples of local newspapers from across the country, Arnold analyzes all coverage over a two-year period - every news story, editorial, opinion column, letter, and list." "The results show enormous variation in coverage. Some newspapers cover legislators frequently, thoroughly, and accessibly. Others - some of them famous for their national coverage - largely ignore local representatives. The analysis also confirms that only those incumbents or challengers in the most competitive races, and those who command huge sums of money, receive extensive coverage."--Jacket

Intro -- Postfeminist News: Political Women in Media Culture -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- 1. Theorizing Media Representation of Electoral Feminism -- 2. Anita Hill, Clarence Thomas, and the Crisis of White Patriarchal Authority -- 3. Postfeminist Identities, Neoliberal Ideology, and Women of the Year -- 4. From Women of the Year to "Soccer Moms": The Case of the Incredible Shrinking Women -- 5. "Pray Tell, Who Is the 'She'"?: Campaign 2000, or the Year of One Woman -- AFTERWORD: Putting Ally on Trial: Contesting Postfeminism in Media Culture -- Notes -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- Q -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- Y.

AbstractIn focusing on the relationships between asylum recognition rates and the different institutional arrangements through which European states share or preserve their sovereignty, this article seeks to show how sovereignty-sharing affects the right to political asylum in practice. After a qualitative overview of variations in sovereignty-sharing forms, the article presents the results from a multiple regression analysis of the relationship between legal and institutional frames of asylum decision-making in 17 West European countries (EU-15, Norway and Switzerland) and the asylum recognition rates in these countries. The article ends with a brief assessment of the significance of the results for a potential policy change in the European Union.

AbstractDepression can affect individuals' attitudes by enhancing cognitive biases and altering perceptions of control. We investigate the relationship between depressive symptoms and Americans' attitudes regarding domestic extremist violence. We develop a theory that suggests the association between depression and support for political violence depends on conspiracy beliefs, participatory inclinations, and their combination. We test our theory using a two‐wave national survey panel from November 2020 and January 2021. We find that among those who hold conspiracy beliefs and/or have participatory inclinations, depression is positively associated with support for election violence and the January 6 Capitol riots. The participatory inclination dynamic is particularly strong for men. Our findings reveal how the intersection of two concerning features of American society—poor mental health and conspiratorial beliefs—strongly relate to another feature: support for political violence. The results also make clear that interventions aimed at addressing depression can potentially have substantial political consequences.