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Remarks on the "research" function in organizations. Administrative science appears as the dogmatic reproduction of the denunciation of bureaucracy. Never would there be any science worthy of its name in the case of French centralism, were not the so much claimed objectivity and candidness of researchers subjected to an effort of analysis. Seeing that sociological studies are nowadays so heavily integrated into the bureaucratic apparatus, one is roaming about in a maze. But hopefully, researchers will soon realize the usefulness of departitioning research. The mythical party of industrial institutions establishes a status of communication. That is why studies on the key problem, i.e. the dogmatic issue, are inevitable.

AbstractThis paper attempts to examine and define marketing's role and significance in the political arena and understand the social implications of political marketing more appropriately. A case study was undertaken to examine a major Australian political party's marketing orientation using key facets of the Kotler and Andreasen (1991) typology of internal versus external orientation and the Kohli and Jaworski (1990) market orientation perspective. An examination of this nature has previously not been undertaken in the area of political marketing to explore the social marketing issues from the marketer's perspective. The findings indicate significant issues for parties and marketing researchers to consider in relation to marketing and market orientation of political parties. Copyright © 2001 Henry Stewart Publications

"This chapter critically reflects on the state of the art in research on the political relevance of entertainment media. It is argued that most research on this important topic has been based on the ideas of understanding or consistency. While these lines of research also need to be expanded, the authors call for bringing the hedonic principle into the fold as a primary explanatory principle for the study of political entertainment media. Moreover, the chapter stresses the need to expand the range of entertainment media content/ genres/ forms that are investigated for their political influence. As an example, the authors reflect on the political influence of graphic novels in this essay. In addition, the authors highlight the importance of an international perspective and of comparative work in this area of study. Only when research expands in such a manner to include these lines of research will substantive judgments concerning the political relevance of entertainment media be forthcoming." (publisher's description)

In this text, I engage in a methodology that explores the phenomenon of denial, here conceptualized as the "Poetics of Denial". The foundation of my practice is based on the ongoing inquiry into the interrelations of denial on an individual and social level. More specifically, I explore how one's psychological mechanisms of defense on an intra- and interpersonal level manifest in the social sphere through a series of responses in the form of experimental prose. These writings are organized by mechanism of defense and include contemporary scenarios of denial. This text integrates contemporary news sources from various ideological stances and the headlines serve as entry points to examine how they illuminate failures of sublimation in the political unconscious. I draw from various psychoanalytic and sociological resources on denial to create a lens to explore the interstices among micro and macro instances of denial. Another dimension of my lens involves exploring the plurality of denial by engaging in various perspectives and voices throughout the texts. The mechanisms of defense often operate at an unconscious level and allow human beings to adapt to reality by mitigating harmful or anxious feelings. An absence or excess of these mechanisms often leads to psychological pathologies that occur on intra- and interpersonal levels. The imbalance and/or obliviousness of these mechanisms may ultimately result in manifestations of denial on a larger, socio-political level.

In many resource-dependent states, elites may face an important trade-off between the economic benefits of diversification and the possibility for future political competition that diversification may engender. However, distinctive features of global resource markets and national political economies may make diversification more or less attractive to political elites. The author argues that in three cases which illustrate the equilibrium paths of the game-theoretic model developed here—postindependence Bostwana, Mobutu's Zaire, and Suharto's Indonesia—three variables influenced elites' incentives for diversification and thereby shaped outcomes along the dimensions of political stability and economic performance: the world market structure for the resource, the degree of societal opposition to elites, and the prior development of the nonresource private sector. These countries' varied paths from resource wealth to political and economic outcomes suggest the need for conditional theories of the resource curse.

Examines the concept & practice of jihad, a term familiar to the West yet overdetermined. Jihad seems to denote a death-for-politics equation in defiance of rational choice, although in the context of salvation, martyrdom may well be rational. The term has often been used to construct an Islamic Other, thus idealizing Western values. The author argues that jihad, properly understood, is a mode of political action both eschatological & mundane in its aims, not merely mindless, violent martyrdom. Invoking Hannah Arendt's death/politics polemic, the author examines the evolution of the term in Islamic culture & history, where the concept has long been contested. K. Coddon

There comes a time when transmitting the history of a national past fails the context of the political present. France and Germany have shared tortuous historical experiences, yet the two are at the forefront of an unprecedented pedagogical development: for the first time ever, two nation-states have created a common history textbook that is used in their senior secondary schools. As such, each country, to borrow Ernst Gellner's formula, has abandoned – qua this textbook – its monopoly of legitimate education. Histoire/Geschichte detaches history from its exclusive national past and introduces the learners to a post-national present. It speaks in a tone that is demanded by a different time and by the new conditions of peoples who are living in a common political space. This article reflects on the meaning and reach of this precedent by first analysing the explicit political and pedagogical explanations inherent to the book. It then identifies and investigates some of the less evident effects of the textbook relating to rethinking war and history, rethinking the monopoly of education, rethinking national identity, and to offering another path to rapprochement.

For millennia humans have used visible marks to communicate information. Modern examples of conventional graphical symbols include written language, and non-linguistic symbol systems such as mathematical symbology or traffic signs. The latter kinds of symbols convey information without reference to language. This book presents the first systematic study of graphical symbol systems, including a history of graphical symbols from the Paleolithic onwards, a taxonomy of non-linguistic systems -- systems that are not tied to spoken language -- and a survey of more than 25 such systems. One important feature of many non-linguistic systems is that, as in written language, symbols may be combined into complex "messages" if the information the system represents is itself complex. To illustrate, the author presents an in-depth comparison of two systems that had very similar functions, but very different structure: European heraldry and Japanese kamon. Writing first appeared in Mesopotamia about 5,000 years ago and is believed to have evolved from a previous non-linguistic accounting system. The exact mechanism is unknown, but crucial was the discovery that symbols can represent the sounds of words, not just the meanings. The book presents a novel neurologically-inspired hypothesis that writing evolved in an institutional context in which symbols were "dictated", thus driving an association between symbol and sound, and provides a computational simulation to support this hypothesis. The author further discusses some common fallacies about writing and non-linguistic systems, and how these relate to widely cited claims about statistical "evidence" for one or another system being writing. The book ends with some thoughts about the future of graphical symbol systems. The intended audience includes students, researchers, lecturers, professionals and scientists from fields like Natural Language Processing, Machine Learning, Archaeology and Semiotics, as well as general readers interested in language and/or writing systems and symbol systems. Richard Sproat is a Research Scientist at Google working on Deep Learning. He has a long-standing interest in writing systems and other graphical symbol systems

Political discourse is inarguably deemed an essential tool, impercetably influencing people's perception within a socio-political zone. The present research revolve around the critical discourse analysis of manifestos of Pakistani political parties, pertaining to the general election of 2013. The theoretical framework for the study triangulates VanDijks (1998) Socio-Cognitive Model, along with the support of Turner and Tajfels (1979) Social identity approach and Budge and Farlies Salience theory (1983). The research revealed that all the political parties under study used the discursive strategies in their party manifestos in order to enhance the positive self-image of party to in-group people, by focusing the negative aspects of the out-group, thereby (re)constructing peoples political identities and ideologies and achieving the desired hegemony for itself.

This article explores the different models of political communication that inhere in Hardt and Negri's Empire trilogy, models that are explicit and implicit, intended and accidental, dominant and latent. From their existence tangled up in Hardt and Negri's work, I draw out for consideration the communicative models of the rhizome-book, manifesto, textbook, mass-market book, autonomous language, and political journal. My aim is less to evaluate the relative dominance of these models in the trilogy, than to take the opportunity this work offers for thinking political communication as specifically communist problematic, a somewhat neglected field of inquiry. © SAGE Publications 2011.