Suchergebnisse

The efficacy of the triangle of economic interdependence, international organization, and democracy in constructing a zone of perpetual peace in Europe has led many commentators and practitioners to consider the viability of a similar liberal internationalist project in Northeast Asia. In contrast, this article contends that far from Northeast Asia being ripe for resolution in accordance with the liberal principles which brought peace to Europe in the second half of the twentieth century, the underlying strategic and security structures bear closer resemblance to those of Europe in the first half of the last century when liberal internationalism experienced a twenty-year crisis and the region was wracked by great power competition and confrontation. Nevertheless, there remains hope for the evolution of a zone of peace in Northeast Asia, but one based on rational and socially constructed pragmatic instruments rather than those of the liberal paradigm.

This paper examines gender aspects of tactics of the alter-globalization movement. Focusing mainly on two transnational collective actions in Prague in 2000 and in Genoa in 2001, the research draws on participant observation, interviews with activists and analysis of the movement's alternative media. The feminist activism within the movement, the gendered tactics and their representation in the alternative media are analysed using the concept of diffusion. Although feminists are involved in the protests, and local Czech feminist activism was incited by the international mobilizations in Prague in 2000, they are often marginalized because of the emphasis on masculine confrontational and violent tactics used in demonstrations. The movement's alternative media further reproduce gender stereotypes. The visual representations of the tactics are traditionally gendered – women are depicted as fairies, men as fighters; this is because the movement does not want to appear weak and feminine, and seeks to be effective.

In development policy, international organizations have shifted their focus to the importance of good governance and sound institutions. The theory behind this is that only with a high quality of government (QoG) can a country reap the benefits of economic growth and social development. We review the research behind this policy shift and offer a first benchmark statistical analysis. The first section contains a review of the conceptual discussion of what QoG means. Second, we present four salient approaches pertaining to the outcomes of QoG: the debates concerning QoG and democracy, economic growth, corruption, and the rule of law. The third section uses insights gained from these debates to focus on the policy outcomes of QoG—its effects on social well-being, public health, and environmental sustainability. We conclude by discussing possible pitfalls in future research on QoG and development.

In the first decades of the twentieth century, Yiddish journals emerged worldwide in tandem with the periodical press as a vanguard of modern Jewish culture. Canada's Yiddish publishing capital of Montreal produced a dozen interwar journals dedicated to Yiddish literature. The journals published innovative works by writers across Canada while forging links with both international Yiddish culture and world literature. With a shared a roster of Canadian writers, the journals gave voice to ideological rifts in the Yiddish world: journals of the 1920s such as Nyuansn promoted an "art for art's sake" approach; the proletarian journals that dominated the Depression era such as Montreol and Heftn linked literature with the struggle of the working class. Together, the journals provided a forum for emerging writers in a minor Yiddish center, closely connected to the major centers in Europe and the United States, to negotiate their evolving identities as Canadian Jews.

Reference group theory is applied and the notion of "cultural reference groups" introduced as a way to shed light on processes of attitude formation among domestic and international publics. Using four waves of the World Values Survey, the paper explores the way that American and non-American Hispanics in Mexico, Argentina, and Spain interpret several dimensions of the family unit. Findings suggest that Hispanic Americans share more similar views of the family with non-Hispanic Whites than with either non-U.S. Hispanics or African Americans. The study also finds that individuals make distinctions between traditional expectations and modern realities, suggesting that Hispanics' views of family are a more complex and multidimensional cultural trait amongst Hispanics than is often alluded to in the literature. The paper will consider these findings and place them within the broader social context of Americanization and the debates over Hispanic assimilation in the U.S.

ABSTRACTContemporary advances in the fields of globalization and technologies raise the question of the relationship between international business and the global common good. Half of the hundred biggest economies in the world are now corporations. Nation‐states were traditionally viewed as the guarantors of the common good; however, the current historical stage is marked by the waning of the role of government, and reveals an emerging situation characterized by a co‐responsibility of multiple agents in this respect. Three major evolutions are likely to induce multinational corporations (MNCs) to take the global common good into account: the imperative of the preservation of our biosphere, the rise of an anti‐globalization sentiment with all its potential consequences, and the necessity to design a global social contract. Besides, these three phenomena are interconnected, which adds to the pressure on MNCs to change their policies.

RéSUMé En suivant un fil chronologique, l'article donne des points de repère sur l'évolution des acteurs et savoirs des experts de la réforme de l'État en France. L'unité de lieu et de milieu des années 1980 autour de figures issues des élites administratives, des cercles universitaires et intellectuels français réunis dans des clubs de pensée a évolué dans les années 1990 vers à la fois une multiplicité d'acteurs privés – Think tanks et consultants internationaux – et une uniformité des méthodes de modernisation publique : le recours à l'importation d'outils de gestion et normes issues du privé. Cet angle d'appréhension chronologique ouvre plus largement sur une analyse de la transformation du monde des élites dirigeantes et des élites intellectuelles nationales. La réforme devenue synonyme d'importation des normes privées dans le secteur public dans les années 1990 a créé un véritable marché international de l'expertise, remettant en cause les ressources des élites traditionnelles françaises en mutation et recomposition aujourd'hui.

Résumé Pour mieux comprendre les évolutions de l'engagement et des engagés dans les organisations sociales et humanitaires, l'article examine le cas d'Emmaüs en France et cherche à reconstituer les générations militantes qui se sont succédées depuis les débuts. Il met en évidence trois grandes périodes et six générations : le temps des pionniers (1953-1956), militants de la première heure puis de « l'hiver 54 » ; l'engagement alternatif des Trente Glorieuses, social dans les années 1960 puis utopique dans les années 1970 ; enfin l'investissement de crise, fait de chrétiens de la Deuxième gauche puis de figures plus institutionnelles. Ce faisant, l'auteur montre les porosités entre humanitaire « interne » et « international », le brouillage des frontières entre engagement social et humanitaire au second xx e siècle, et analyse comment l'engagement humanitaire, au-delà d'une façade parfois neutre ou neutralisée, constitue tant un report qu'une transformation des traditionnels engagements politiques et religieux aujourd'hui en crise.

The emergence of the global administrative sector and its new forms of knowledge production, expert rationality, and standardization, remains an understudied topic in science studies. Using a coproductionist theoretical framework, we argue tha the mutual construction of epistemic and legal authority across international organizations has been critical for constituting and stabilizing a global regime for the regulation of food safety. The authors demonstrate how this process has also given rise to an authoritative framework for risk analysis touted as ''scientifically rigorous'' but embodying particular value choices regarding health, environment, and the dispensation of regulatory power. Finally, the authors trace how enrollment of the Codex Alimentarius in World Trade Law has heightened institutional dilemmas around legitimacy and credibility in science advice at the global level. Taken together, the case illustrates the importance of attending to the iterative construction of law and science in the constitution of new global administrative regimes.

L'Éthiopie subit une grave disette due au déficit des petites pluies au printemps 2008. Les grandes pluies d'été ayant fait reverdir les campagnes, le pays subit une famine «verte». Elle n'a pas provoqué de désordre politique car, très tôt, le gouvernement a mobilisé les réserves nationales de nourriture, lancé un appel à la solidarité internationale et travaillé avec les organisations humanitaires pour secourir les sinistrés. En voie de résorption d'après les témoignages, cette crise annonce toute-fois un avenir difficile pour les Éthiopiens qui étaient 25 millions en 1970,77,1 millions en 2007 et seront 100 millions en 2025. Alors que plus de 10% de la population souffrent de sous-alimentation chronique, comment accueillir dans les campagnes et dans les villes 20 millions d'habitants supplémentaires et leur trouver logement, nourriture et travail? Malthus ne va-t-il pas prendre sa revanche?

Un travail d'inventaire, loin d'être exhaustif, entrepris sur la littérature internationale portant sur la « judiciarisation » constitue le support de la présente analyse. Après avoir rappelé les différentes définitions données de la « judiciarisation » et tenté de mieux cerner ce qui relève d'une réalité ou de représentations construites d'un accroissement du rôle de la justice par rapport au politique, des illustrations sont fournies dans le domaine des politiques publiques et, plus généralement, dans celui du fonctionnement démocratique. Il apparaît finalement que ce qui semble être le véritable enjeu d'une exceptionnelle mobilisation de la connaissance sur cet objet : c'est un changement de régime de légalité, d'une légalité qui ne serait plus seulement fondement du pouvoir mais instrument de pouvoir. Ce changement est associé et participe des transformations du politique pour signifier notamment l'avènement d'un modèle de domination légitime dont la « judiciarisation », réalisée ou représentée, deviendrait alors un des attributs.

Most of the world's mass media have largely ignored the conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), despite the fact that it is by far the deadliest conflict in the world today. Other much smaller conflicts are instead chosen to be the subject of intense focus and attention, ostensibly on grounds of relevance to national interest and humanitarian concern. But neither of these rationales holds up to scrutiny. The Australian newspaper is no exception in this sense. This article quantitatively and qualitatively examines coverage of conflict in the DRC in The Australian, comparing it with that of other conflicts and crises, primarily Israel—Palestine, Darfur and Zimbabwe. It concludes that some subjective and narrow perceptions of national interest as well as business interests (producing news that `sells' and following international news flows) serve to explain the DRC's marginalization in The Australian .

A partir da constatação da existência de conexões entre as associações de representação de classe dos bancos na América Latina, que se denominou rede transassociativa, o trabalho analisa a conexão dessa rede com organizações constituídas nos Estados Unidos para atuar politicamente ao redor do mundo. O foco é o Center for International Private Interprise (CIPE), constituído em 1983, vinculado à Câmara de Comércio dos Estados Unidos, e que promove reformas políticas e econômicas orientadas para o mercado. É uma das quatro organizações centrais do National Endowement for Democracy (NED), entidade financiada pelo governo daquele país. Examina-se especialmente o caso da Argentina e do Peru. Constata-se como a relação dessas entidades com organizações latino-americanas constitui uma base estrutural para o processo de construção de hegemonia de caráter neoliberal e como se articula com o sistema financeiro. O procedimento metodológico inclui a pesquisa bibliográfica e documental.

Résumé Depuis 2000, sous l'impulsion de la lutte contre les principales maladies infectieuses, sida, tuberculose et malaria, l'économie de la santé appliquée aux pays en développement ( ped ) a connu un renouvellement de ses paradigmes : idée que l'amélioration de la santé constitue un pré-requis indispensable de la croissance macroéconomique plutôt qu'une de ses retombées ; insistance sur l'instauration de mécanismes d'assurance du risque-maladie pour financer les dépenses de santé plutôt que sur le « recouvrement des coûts » au point de consommation auprès des usagers des services de soins ; souci d'imposer des prix différentiels et d'introduire des flexibilités dans les règles internationales de protection de la propriété intellectuelle pour l'accès aux médicaments dans les ped ; priorité aux programmes « verticaux » ciblés sur des maladies, censés servir de levier pour un renforcement global des systèmes de santé. L'article discute les limites théoriques et empiriques de ces nouveaux paradigmes.

This article discusses the appropriateness of western bioethics in the African setting. It focuses on the decision-making process regarding participation in health research as a contested boundary in international bioethics discourse. An ethnomethodological approach is used to explain African ethics, and African ethic is applied to the decision-making process in the African community. An HIV/AIDS surveillance project is used as a case study to explore the concept of communitarianism. The article argues that what exists in Africa is communal or social autonomy as opposed to individual autonomy in the West. As a result, applying the western concept of autonomy to research involving human subjects in the African context without adequate consideration for the important role of the community is inappropriate. It concludes that lack of adequate consideration for community participation in health research involving human subjects in Africa will prevent proper management and lack truly informed consent.