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This paper examines the current state of Carbon Capture, Utilization and Storage technology (CCUS) in China as well as the related climate change policy, laws, and initiatives that might be used to encourage the large-scale deployment of carbon sequestration in China. The paper is organized in six sections. Section I examines the overall status of CCUS development in China, including CCUS research activities and demonstration project deployment. Section II discusses the broader environment of national climate change policies issued by the State Council (namely the Central People's Government) and how it accommodates CCUS development policy. Section III reviews China's technology policy and roadmap and how they guide the direction of research and development (R and D) of CCUS, as well as China's development policy for implementing CCUS pilots and demonstration projects. Section IV explores Chinese environmental and energy laws that could be used for regulating CCUS activities and clarifying liability accordingly. Section V focuses on China's cooperation with international organizations and developed countries to conduct R and D of advanced CCUS technologies and launch demonstration projects. Section VI overviews the barriers and challenges posed to CCUS in China in the future.

Los importantes cambios y acontecimientos que ha experimentado la sociedad internacional a lo largo de la primera década del siglo XXI, han permitido reabrir el debate en torno a la oportunidad de crear instituciones transnacionales y de constituir un sistema de Derecho cosmopolita que siente las bases de un futuro gobierno democrático mundial. En el presente trabajo se defiende el proyecto humanista cosmopolita de raíz kantiana, que en los últimos tiempos ha sido reivindicado por autores como John Rawls, Jürgen Habermas, Martha C. Nussbaum o Ulrich Beck, como uno de los modelos que más eficazmente puede contribuir a realizar dicho propósito ; The important changes and events experienced by international society during the first decade of the 21st Century have made possible to reopen the debate on the opportunity to create transnational organizations and to establish a cosmopolitan legal system in order to lay the foundations for a future democratic world government. In this piece of research we defend the humanist cosmopolitan project originated in Kant, which in recent years has been vindicated by authors such as John Rawls, Jürgen Habermas, Martha C. Nussbaum or Ulrich Beck, as one of the models that could help achieve the aforementioned goal

"During the communist era any debates on the expulsion of millions of Sudeten Germans from Czechoslovakia after the Second World War were tabooed. After the fall of Iron Curtain and break-up of Czechoslovakia the issue re-appeared in the Czech society. However, Czechs mostly strongly disagreed with claims for apology or even compensation raised by representatives of expelled Sudeten Germans. Among the Czechs it was difficult to call post-Second World War events as 'expulsion' and terms as 'transfer' were suggested. On to contrary, Czechs often argued that the post-war 'transfers' legalized by presidential decrees (often referred to as Bend decrees) have been anchored in both domestic and international law as they were subsequently approved not only by Czechoslovakian parliament but have been approved also by world powers at Potsdam conference. Any joint attempts of Czech-German groups of intellectuals aiming at mutual understanding had been constantly turned down by both politicians and society in the Czech Republic. The article will examine the Czech daily press in order to find out if and how the above revealed attitudes towards the expelled Sudeten Germans have changed within the Czech society during the period between 1995 and 2010." (author's abstract)

"This report summarizes polio eradication activities in 2010, the first year of implementation of the Strategic Plan 2010-2012, and measures progress against milestones established in that document. Mandated by the World Health Assembly (WHA), the GPEI developed the plan to stop polio in all of the areas where the virus still circulated by the end of 2012." - p. 3 ; 1. Executive summary -- -- 2. Key events 2010 -- -- 3. Strategic plan 2010-2012 -- -- 4. Stopping poliovirus transmission -- 4.1 Strategic Plan milestone 1 : new outbreaks -- 4.2 Strategic Plan milestone 2 : re-established transmission: Sudan, Angola, Chad, The Democratic Republic of the Congo -- 4.3 Strategic Plan milestone 3 : endemic countries: India, Nigeria, Afghanistan, Pakistan -- -- 5. Detection of poliovirus -- Global Polio Laboratory Network -- -- 6. Management of long-term risks after polio eradication -- -- 7. Strengthening immunization systems -- -- 8. Financing -- Including new contributions in 2010 -- -- Annex A: Progress report of the GPEI major process indicators for 2010 -- -- Annex B: Supporting maps from WHO report -- -- Acronyms ; "WHO/POLIO/11.02." ; On cover: logos for World Health Organization, Rotary International, CDC (U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention), UNICEF. ; Available via the World Wide Web as an Acrobat .pdf file (7.96 MB, 76 p.).

Rwanda grew at a rapid rate in the second half of 2011, exceeding 10 percent for the first time, since the 2009 global economic downturn. Overall, Rwanda achieved 8.6 percent growth in 2011, and substantially exceeded the average growth for Sub- Saharan Africa (SSA) of 5.0 percent. Rwanda also grew fastest than all the countries in the East African Community (EAC), which as a group reached 6.1 percent in 2011. Robust growth continued in the first quarter of 2012, when Rwanda's economy expanded at 7.7 percent. Renewed concerns over the global growth outlook and of the European debt crisis, might negatively affect Rwanda's prospects in 2012/2013, and lead to a lower growth turn-out compared to 2011. First quarter growth in 2012 remained overall robust, but showed considerable weakness in the industry sector. This was in contrast to what was observed in the second half of 2011, when industrial growth led by buoyant construction, and mining activities pushed the sector to the top, ahead of services. In the second half of 2011, Rwanda's growth momentum accelerated largely led by thriving non-tradable goods and services sectors while the manufacturing sector continued to be sluggish. The Rwandan economy expanded by 10.8 percent during the second half of 2011, but manufacturing only contributed 0.5 percentage points to this growth outcome. Agricultural output took a leap in the second half, mainly due to a very good second harvest season outcome. Overall, growth turn-out for 2011 stood at 8.6 percent, up from 7.2 percent in 2010. Inflationary pressures reappeared in tandem with high international food and fuel prices. The small policy response came with a delay, not enough to prevent core inflation reaching its highest level since mid-2009. Core inflation exceeded headline inflation for the whole second half of 2011. The current account deficit broadened in 2011. Rwanda's export performed robustly, benefiting from high international prices, but could not keep up with the increasing import bill, leading to a further deterioration in the trade balance. For 2012, Rwanda's economy is expected to continue to grow slower than it did in 2011, but at a healthy pace. The industrial sector is likely to expand less than in 2011 and growth in the services sector is expected to be more moderate, both on account of a more risky global environment.

Abstract
The inclusion of asylum seekers within the scope of European Union (EU) readmission agreements signed with third countries remains contentious, especially considering that these agreements are instruments for removing irregular migrants to countries of origin or transit and do not regulate the responsibility for assessing asylum claims. Yet, the expulsion of asylum seekers from the EU to third countries is realized through a procedure whereby Member States are allowed the possibility of labelling third countries 'safe' according to criteria set out in EU law. The applications of asylum seekers arriving from safe third countries to the jurisdiction of the EU are deemed 'inadmissible', thus absolving Member States from assessing the applications on merit and enabling States to include asylum seekers within the scope of readmission agreements as irregular migrants. This article contends that the unique features of the EU–Turkey Readmission Agreement do not allow this practice in light of the main principles of international law, even assuming that Turkey can be labelled a 'safe third country'. These features include treaty provisions obligating the sending State to make every effort to remove persons to their countries of origin, as well as Turkey's explicitly declared position during the signing of the Agreement, which interprets the scope of the Agreement as not including asylum seekers. However, readmission of asylum seekers has taken place between the EU and Turkey through the EU–Turkey Statement of 18 March 2016 on the legal basis of the bilateral Greece–Turkey Readmission Agreement. It is argued that the EU's attempts to institute the EU–Turkey Readmission Agreement as the legal basis for readmission of asylum seekers are destined to fail, due to the legal impossibility stemming from the said unique treaty provisions, as well as the absence of any indication from Turkey that it intends to change its initial official position in this regard.

PurposeMore companies embrace flexible work arrangements (FWA) as one of their employee retention strategies, yet its effectiveness is not consistent. Generally, past researchers use the social exchange theory to explain how FWA lowers turnover intention, while the rest adopts the border theory to justify why FWA can be ineffective. Here, the authors compare the competing theories for the first time to differentiate the theoretical reasoning of three forms of FWA (flex time, flex leave and homeworking). Two mediators (organisational commitment and work−family conflicts) are chosen to represent the mechanism of each theory.Design/methodology/approachThe authors employ the latest wave of the International Social Survey Program (ISSP) Work Orientation Module from 2015. Based on nationally representative data from 35 nations and 17,604 participants, the authors employed simple mediation and parallel double-mediation models via bootstrapping procedures to investigate the theoretical reasoning behind each FWA.FindingsThe results indicate that organisational commitment and work−family conflicts as significant mediators in all models, supporting both theories. The authors first tested each mediator in separated models. In models concerning the social exchange theory, all FWA lead to increased organisational commitment before lowering turnover intention, implying the beneficial outcomes of FWA. However, findings also support the border theory's perspective where flex time and homeworking increase turnover intention through heightened work−family conflicts. The parallel double-mediation further suggests that all three FWA forms have their unique theoretical framework, impacting turnover intention differently.Originality/valueBoth the social exchange theory and border theory are well-developed theories but grounded on different theoretical reasoning. This is the first paper that compares both theoretical perspectives in the context of FWA. It offers a new perspective in explaining the inconclusive effectiveness of FWA and provides future researchers a more integrated interpretation and prediction of FWA's impact on turnover intention.

Purpose
Communities of work are a phenomenon closely associated with government social and industrial policy, and can be tracked in contemporary examples globally alongside industrial development. The purpose of this paper is to explore community identity within a town which was previously single industry, but has since experienced workforce reduction and to a large degree, industry withdrawal.


Design/methodology/approach
Using an inductive approach, the researchers interviewed 32 participants who had resided (past or present) within the instrumental case study town. A thematic analytical framework, drawing on the work of Boje (2007) was employed.


Findings
A significant theme to emerge from the participants was the public assertion of social cohesion and belonging. However, what was interesting, was that beneath this unified exterior, lay accounts of multiple forms of demarcation. Drawing on Benedict Anderson's (1983) notion of the imagined community, and Bauman's (2001) identity in globalisation, this contradiction is conceptualised as boundary-making moments of identification and disidentification.


Research limitations/implications
This research is specific to the New Zealand context, although holds many points of interest for the wider international audience. The research provides a broad example of the layering of the collective and individual levels of identity.


Social implications
This research provides a voice to the wider individual, community and societal implications of managerial practices entwined with political decisions. This research encourages managers and educators in our business schools to seek to understand the relationship between the political, corporate, community and individual realms.


Originality/value
This research makes a significant contribution to understandings of the interconnectedness of social policy, industry, and the lived experiences of individuals. Moreover, it contributes to the broader single industry town literature, which previously has focussed on stories of decline from a North American context.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to examine the Riot Grrrl activist network in the USA and highlight historical anarchist actions of the Washington, DC chapter by examining the nexus of feminism and anarchism on a continuum of youth activism, and by paying attention to anti-war campaigns, food distribution programs, free clinics and girl culture.Design/methodology/approachThe paper historically contextualizes Riot Grrrl within the Situationist International literature and cultural resistance as well as Donna Harraway's work on cultural workers. Ethnographic work incorporates participant observation and semi-structured interviews as well as textual analysis of rare Riot Grrrl artifacts. Focus is given to the production of zines as mechanisms for communicating and deconstructing anarcho-grrrl culture.FindingsThis paper charts the influence of Riot Grrrl with particular attention to anti-war demonstrations to contemporary activist projects that illustrate tenants of anarchism such as non-hierarchical leadership, direction action, cooperation, mutual aid and volunteerism.Research limitations/implicationsThis paper focuses on the Riot Grrrl network in the USA, with a focus on the Washington, DC chapter. Subsequent Riot Grrrl chapters emerged around the world and future research might attend to regional impact these groups made in their communities.Originality/valueThe originality of the paper resides not only in its ethnographic approach to the essence of being a Riot Grrrl, but also includes the author's own reflections of involvement in this girl-centered activist collective. Further, the author acknowledges Los Angeles performance artist Exene Cervanka, whose anti-war writing and activist work was influential to the Riot Grrrl movement. This essay examines actions to (re)organize, and to disrupt preferred meanings and interpretations of organization and protest so as to mobilize knowledge and to affect authentic social change. This paper commemorates the 25th anniversary of Riot Grrrl and the Mount Pleasant Riots.

PurposeInformation and communication technology (ICT) stands out as a major indicator and driver of the modern age. It catalytically advances globalization processes across professions, disciplines and agencies across international boundaries. In spite of the widespread utilization of ICT, Nigeria in particular and Africa in general lag behind in the ICT revolution. Striving to modernise and develop, though, Nigeria is rather dependent on the developed world for ICT access and utilization. Nigeria accesses ICT, indeed a great volume of the access rather comes through the second‐hand market. The study aims to integrate theoretical orientations of symbolism and rationalism to empirically explain second‐hand ICT utilization in Nigeria.Design/methodology/approachData were collected through 30 in‐depth interviews (IDIs) and six focus group discussions (FGDs) among sellers and consumers of imported second‐hand ICT at Abeokuta, Ibadan and Lagos cities in Nigeria. The data was collected between July and November 2010. The research is an extract from a larger study on "The dynamics of the Tokunbo phenomenon and second‐hand economy in South‐Western Nigeria".FindingsThe paper concludes that as much as imported second‐hand ICT satisfies consumer modernity and development needs, it swells up Nigeria's e‐waste. The bulk of the used ICT exported into Nigeria are non‐usable scrap, while those that are functional or usable are at the tail end of their life cycles. By symbolically rationalizing imported second‐hand ICT utilization, the Nigerian population simply pays for the evacuation of e‐waste from producing countries of the developed world to Nigeria. Nigeria is yet to develop a wholesome policy to address second‐hand ICT import and grapple with e‐waste challenge. The economic and health costs of imported e‐waste are on Nigeria and Nigerians.Originality/valueThe primary focus of the paper is on second‐hand ICT utilization in Nigeria. The paper empirically discusses the utilization of second‐hand ICT from the perspective of symbolic‐rationality of modernity and development practice.

Avrupa Birliği, ekonomik bütünleşme alanında başarılı olup şimdiye kadar görülen en başarılı birlik olmuştur. Ekonomik alanın aksine güvenlik ve savunma alanı ise Birliğin epeyce zorlandığı, tartışıldığı ve çekinceli bir alan olmuştur. Soğuk Savaş döneminde, güvenlik ve savunma alanında önemli bir çaba harcanmış; Batı Avrupa Birliği kurulmuş, Avrupa Savunma Topluluğu kurma girişiminde bulunulmuş ancak hedeflenen sonuçlara tam anlamıyla ulaşılamamıştır. Soğuk Savaş dönemi güvenlik ve savunma konuları bakımından AB için NATO gölgesinde geçmiştir. Fakat asıl önemli olan gelişmeler Soğuk Savaş'ın bitimi ile yaşanmaya başlamıştır. 1992 Maastricht Antlaşması ile Ortak Dış Politika ve Güvenlik Politikasında (ODGP) çok önemli bir adım atılmış ve siyasi bütünleşme sürecine gidilmeye başlanmıştır. Bu aşamada, güvenlik ve savunma politikaları hükümetlerarası düzeyde de olsa AB'nin ikinci sütununu oluşturmuştur. Devam eden süreçte ise Avrupa Güvenlik Savunma Politikası (AGSP) ve NATO ile işbirligi içinde oluşturulan Avrupa Guvenlik Savunma Kimliği (AGSK) oluşturulmuştur. Ayrıca yapılan çeşitli Zirvelerle bu süreçler hızlı bir biçimde gelişmiştir. 2009 yılında Lizbon Antlaşması'nın yürürlüğe girmesi ile de birliğin hem anayasal hem de hukuki olarak Ortak Güvenlik ve Savunma Politikasının (OGSP) temel dayanakları ve kuruluşu tamamlanmıştır. Son dönem gelişmesi olarak da yine Lizbon Antlaşmasında yer alan "kalıcı yapısal işbirliği" ilkesinden yine aynı isimle yola çıkılarak "Kalıcı Yapısal İşbirliği" (PESCO) yapısı oluşturulmuştur. Avrupa Birliği'nin ortak bir güvenlik ve savunma politikası oluşturması süreci incelenirken, AB'nin NATO ile olan ilişkilerinin de göz önünde bulundurulması zorunludur. Bu nedenle, NATO'nun bu savunma ve güvenlik sürecine olan etkisi ve Avrupa Birliği'nin savunma ve güvenlik politikası oluşturma sürecinde meydana gelen politikaların NATO'ya yansımaları ve etkileri de irdelenmek durumundadır. Bu bağlamda çalışmada genel olarak güvenlik kavramından başlanarak uluslararası, toplumsal ve küresel anlamda güvenlik ve güvenliğe etki eden faktörler ele alınmış, AB Güvenlik ve Savunma Politikasının oluşum süreci ile günümüze kadar yaşadığı belli başlı önemli gelişmelere değinilmiş; NATO ile olan ilişkileri üzerinde durulmuş ve günümüzde gelinen aşama incelenmiştir. Ayrıca bu politika çerçevesinde yapılan bazı ortak operasyonlara da değinilmiştir. ; The European Union, has become the most successful union ever seen achieving economic integration. Contrary to the field of economy, the field of security and defence, has been a highly challenging, controversial and risky area the Union struggles with. Much effort had been spent in the field of security and defence during the Cold War period, West European Union had been established; attempts to establish European Defence Community had been made however targeted results could not be obtained in the fullest sense. For EU, the Cold War period, had been overshadowed by NATO in terms of security and defence issues. However, major developments began to be experienced subsequent to the end of the Cold War. A considerable step in Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), was taken by Maastricht Treaty of 1992 and the process of political integration, thus, was initiated. At this stage, although the security and defence policies have been at intergovernmental level, they constituted the second pillar of EU. In the ongoing process, the European Security Defence Policy Identity (ESDI) has been established in accordance with European Security Defence Policy (ESDP) and NATO. Additionally,through various summits held, these processess have been rapidly improved. As Lisbon Treaty entered into effect in 2009, the basic foundation and establishment of EU's Common Security and Defence Policy (EU CSDP) has been set both constitutionally and legally. As a recent development, based upon the principle of "Permanent Structured Cooperation" which is included in Lisbon Treaty, once again, the Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) structure has been established. Taking the relations between European Union and NATO, as well, into consideration is obligatory for the establishment procedure of European Union's common security and defence policy to be examined. For this reason, NATO's effect over the mentioned defence and security process, and the reflections and effects of policies brought up during EU's defence and security policy formation process on NATO, are to be studied as well. In this context, within the scope of this study, starting from the concept of security in general, the aspect of security and factors influencing it in international, social and global terms are taken into consideration; the formation process of EU Security and Defence Policy and the concerning main developments occurring until today, are mentioned; its relations with NATO are accentuated and the final stage reached today is analysed. In addition to this, some of the common operations executed within the frame of this policy are also considered.

Referring to the war in Afghanistan is of great relevance since it has been the longest in the history of the United States of America, lasting for about twenty years, and apparently "coming to an end" with the announcement of Joe Biden, the current President of the United States, to withdraw 3,500 military personnel who still remain on Afghan soil until August 31st of this year; precisely when remembering almost twenty years of the terrorist attack perpetrated to the United States, where approximately 3,000 people lost their lives, and which triggered the beginning of the war in Afghanistan back in 2001. Such an extended war in time, it has been classified into five phases, out of which the present study bases its analysis in part on the events occurred during the second phase, established from 2002 to 2008, and specifically focuses on the emblematic Anaconda operation, which took place between March 2 and 16, 2002. This study aims to analyze historically and documented, the military conduct of the Anaconda operation based on the current military doctrine of both the Armed Forces of Ecuador and the Armed Forces of the United States (i.e. for being the protagonists of the war in Afghanistan). This study also analyzes the series of violated human during the war, despite the existence of international humanitarian law conventions that protect people and property compromised in the conflict areas. Among other aspects, this investigation highlights the importance of effective leadership to achieve the success of military operations based on an effective leadership that considers doctrinal aspects such as the characteristics of the enemy and the battlefield, the way of maneuver and decisive action to achieve the mission. ; Hablar de la guerra de Afganistán es de gran importancia, por cuanto ha sido la más larga de la historia de los Estados Unidos de Norteamérica, con una duración de aproximadamente veinte años, que parece "ir llegando a su fin" con el anuncio por parte del actual presidente de los Estados Unidos Joe Biden, de retirar a 3500 efectivos militares que aún permanecen en tierras afganas hasta el 31 de agosto del año en curso; justamente luego de veinte años del ataque terrorista perpetrado a los Estados Unidos donde aproximadamente 3000 personas perdieron sus vidas, y que detonó el inicio de la guerra en Afganistán. Por la prolongada duración de esta guerra, se la clasifica en cinco fases, de las cuales el presente estudio basa su análisis en parte de los acontecimientos acaecidos durante la segunda fase, establecida desde 2002 hasta 2008, y específicamente se enfoca en la emblemática operación Anaconda, que tuvo lugar entre el 2 y 16 de marzo de 2002. El objetivo del presente estudio es, por consiguiente, analizar de manera histórica, documentada y fundamentada en la doctrina militar vigente tanto de las Fuerzas Armadas del Ecuador y de las Fuerzas Armadas de los Estados Unidos (por ser las protagonistas de la guerra) la conducción militar terrestre de la operación Anaconda. El alcance es analizar la serie de derechos humanos que fueron vulnerados durante la guerra, a pesar de existir convenios del derecho internacional humanitario que protegen a las personas y los bienes afectados. Las conclusiones que se desprenden de ésta investigación, entre otros aspectos, resaltan la trascendencia de un liderazgo efectivo para lograr el éxito de las operaciones basado en una conducción militar fundamentada en aspectos doctrinarios como son las características del enemigo y del campo de batalla, la forma de maniobra y la acción decisiva para alcanzar la conquista del objetivo final.

Aunque la movilidad geográfica siempre ha caracterizado la historia del ser humano, en las últimas décadas la migración internacional ha ido ocupando creciente relevancia en la agenda política como fenómeno de gran complejidad y dificultad de gestión.Es ampliamente creído que las y los migrantes deciden trasladarse para mejorar sus condiciones y calidad de vida, pero ¿lo consiguen de verdad?Comprender en qué medida el resultado de la migración refleja objetivos y expectativas iniciales, podría beneficiar tanto a las personas migrantes como a los políticos que se ocupan de gestionar el fenómeno y que en un futuro podrían necesitar atraer a los migrantes para restablecer las brechas demográficas de varios países europeos.Este artículo recoge y examina de manera crítica las principales teorías explicativas presentes en literatura sobre el bienestar y en particular el bienestar subjetivo de los migrantes. A continuación, detalla algunas debilidades en las metodologías actualmente utilizadas, que recolectan informaciones sintéticas y parciales para un tema tan complejo y multivariado como el bienestar post-migratorio y, por último, realiza una propuesta metodológica concreta.El propósito final de este artículo es demostrar la importancia de la perspectiva narrativa y el análisis tematico para estudiar en profundidad la influencia de la experiencia migratoria en el desarrollo humano, en el conjunto de las capacidades y en la satisfacción con la vida (en términos de realización personal percibida y logro de objetivos individuales) de los y las migrantes. A nivel social y político, esto permitiría profundizar en la comprensión de las dimensiones que componen el bienestar de las personas a lo largo de su vida y tras una experiencia migratoria; a nivel académico, esto permitiría mejorar la gama de preguntas planteadas en las encuestas sociodemograficas.Se proporcionan recomendaciones para investigaciones futuras. Although in the history of mankind there has always been geographical mobility, in the last decades international migration is becoming increasingly relevant in the political agenda as a phenomenon of great complexity and difficulty to manage.It is common and widely believed that migrants decide to move to improve their conditions and perceived quality of life, but is this always the case?Understanding how the outcome of migration reflects initial goals and expectations could benefit both migrants and policymakers dealing with the phenomenon, who may need to attract migrants in the future in order to re-establish demographic gaps in European countries.This article collects and critically examines the main explanatory theories present in the literature on the well-being and in particular the subjective well-being of migrants. It then details some weaknesses in the methodologies currently used, which collect synthetic and partial information for a subject as complex and multivariate as post migratory welfare. It finally makes a concrete methodological proposal.The final purpose of this article is to demonstrate the importance of the narrative perspective and the thematic analysis in order to study in depth the influence of the migratory experience on human development, the set of capacities and the satisfaction with life (in terms of perceived personal fulfillment and achievement of individual goals) of the migrants. At a social and political level, this would allow for a deeper understanding of the dimensions that compose people's well-being throughout their lives and after a migratory experience; at an academic level, this would allow to improve the range of questions posed in the sociodemographic surveys.Recommendations for future research are provided.