Suchergebnisse

This study and presentation of the Constitution of Cadiz, within the framework of revisionist Panamanian political history, after the two-hundredth anniversary of the its enactment on the Isthmus, manages to set the pre-independence structure of Panama from Spain within a perspective of monarchist positions from the Spaniards and that incipient liberal trend of the creole class. As the councils that made up the political/native structure, the Constitution of Cadiz that would revolutionize in its administrative role, both in the Spanish cities and in the indigenous lands, was the panorama of its application; this paper is developed based on the political stand of the Governor of the province of Veraguas, don Juan Domingo de Iturralde and the Mayor of Nata, based on a careful study from an extensive judicial record, where citizens political attitudes are discovered around the criteria of creole interpretation. However, within this historical process, it is denoted that was some political developments in the Isthmus, where it is recorded that these political principles, added to the Bolivar's triumphs, penetrated so deeply that as a result the azuerenses spoke in favor of the independence of Panama from Spain. ; Este estudio y exposición sobre la Constitución de Cádiz, proclamada por las Cortes de Cádiz en 1812, reviste de importancia, dentro del marco revisionista de la historia política panameña, al conmemorar doscientos años de su promulgación en el Istmo, pues los atisbos para configurar la estructura preindependentista de Panamá de España, palpan una perspectiva de posturas pro monárquicas, de parte de los peninsulares y aquella incipiente tendencia liberal de la clase criolla. De esta manera, la Constitución de Cádiz fue revolucionaria en su rol administrativo, influyendo en los cabildos que conformaban la estructura política/nativa colonial, tanto en las ciudades de españoles como en los pueblos indígenas. Se desarrolla en este trabajo, sobre su panorama de aplicación, con base en las posturas políticas del gobernador de la provincia de Veraguas, don Juan Domingo de Iturralde y en la Alcaldía Mayor de Natá, con base en un escrupuloso estudio, procedente de un extenso expediente judicial levantado en contra de Francisco Gómez Miró, en el que se descubren las actitudes políticas ciudadanas en torno a los criterios de una interpretación criolla. No obstante, dentro de ese proceso histórico, se denota que hubo cierta evolución política en el Istmo, pues se registra un apoyo a la restitución de la Constitución de Cádiz en 1820, de tal manera que, para los panameños, dichos principios políticos sumados, a los triunfos de Bolívar, calaron de tal manera que los azuerenses se pronunciaron en pro de la independencia de Panamá de España.

For more than 300 years, some historician have considered the Ukrainian warlord and diplomat Ivan Mazepa as a traitor. The impulse to consider this myth was caused by a declaration of anathema on him by the order of Peter I the Great. On the basis of analysis of the collected historical material a manysidedness of this extraordinary politician, his struggle against the oppression of his people and his struggle for national liberation is shown in the article. This publication is intended to dispel one of the long-existing myths made by the Russian historiography. At the same time, author knows that hetman's personality was sufficiently controversial and that's why opinions of the Ukrainian and Russian historicians as for evaluation of his personality are different. The author came to the conclusion that not only Russian historicians have the right to their own vision of Ivan Mazepa, but also the Ukrainian historicians consider him as a national hero, who made an unsuccessful attempt to slip the imperial collar, that is fair enough.Except for the usual publications involved in the discussions about the personality of this hetman, we used studies of the western specialists, who assume neutral (not prejudiced) attitude. They assess a situation around the Battle of Poltava and «treason» of the hetman in a more deliberate manner. The historicians of different countries don't give «a certain political complexion» to Mazepa's act, and draw attention to the fact that non-compliance with bilateral agreements was typical both for Cossacks since the time of Bohdan Khmelnytsky, and the Moscow rulers, who interpreted the separate paragraphs in their own way. Obviously, this factor was one of impulses that caused the decisive steps of Mazepa towards the union with the Swedish king Charles XII.It should be noted that the figures of Bohdan Khmelnytsky, Ivan Mazepa, Symon Petliura are the symbols of the Ukrainian nation, some kind of milestones in the struggle for independence, and under the conditions of the Russian aggression at the eastern boundaries of the state they are an example of self-sacrifice for the sake of own choice. Anyway, that is our opinion based on consideration of available information obtained from the Ukrainian press and scientific researches. ; Ось вже понад 300 років український полководець і дипломат Іван Степанович Мазе-па розглядається деякими істориками як зрадник. Поштовхом до розгляду цього міфу стало оголошення йому анафеми відповідно до наказу Петра I. На підставі аналізу зіб-раного історичного матеріалу в статті показано багатогранність цього неординар-ного політика, його боротьба проти гноблення свого народу за національне визволен-ня. Дана публікація покликана розвінчати один із довготривалих міфів сформованих ро-сійською історіографією. Разом із тим, автор, свідомий того, що гетьман був особис-тістю достатньо контроверсійною, тому і різняться його оцінки українськими та ро-сійськими істориками. Автор прийшов до висновку, що не тільки російські історики ма-ють право на власну візію Івана Мазепи, але й українські цілком слушно вважають його українським національним героєм, що здійснив хоч і невдалу спробу звільнення від імпер-ського ярма.

Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas. Facultad de Historia. Programa Institucional de Maestría en Historia ; The historiography of the last decades has shown that the Mexican War of Independence (1810-1821) was a complex historical process , in which different factors were involved political, ideological , economic, social and cultural. As has raised François Xavier War , the independence of Mexico , and in general in Latin , also Hispanic - submitted at least three dimensions : the first assumes independence as the search for a new political status , where Spanish America leaves politically dependent on the metropolis. The second dimension concerns the independence process as a revolutionary era of political and cultural revolution , where liberal constitutionalism prevails throughout the Hispanic world with the birth of popular sovereignty as a principle of legitimacy. The revolutionary character of these changes was evident in all the actors of the time , both his supporters and their opponents. A final dimension draws independence as a vast social upheaval that sets in motion a host of social and political actors, with a breadth and simultaneity without equivalent in other historical periods. Part of that dimension are social movements in which various ethnic groups involved Creoles and Spaniards . The war becomes an endemic social phenomenon and appear new social actors ( armies , guerrillas, and armed gangs montoneros all types) and with them warlords and chieftains , whose role as political actors will be increasing because , as said War, the War of Independence will also be " a powerful solvent of the society of the old regime and create new solidarities ." ; La historiografía de las últimas décadas ha mostrado que la guerra de independencia mexicana (1810-1821) fue un proceso histórico muy complejo, en el que intervinieron diferentes factores de carácter político, ideológico, económico, social y cultural. Como lo ha planteado François Xavier Guerra, la independencia de México -y en general de la América hispana- presentó, asimismo, por lo menos tres grandes dimensiones: la primera supone a la independencia como la búsqueda de un nuevo estatuto político, en donde la América española deja de depender políticamente de la metrópoli. La segunda dimensión refiere el proceso independentista como una época revolucionaria, de revolución política y cultural, en donde triunfa el constitucionalismo liberal en todo el mundo hispánico con el nacimiento de la soberanía popular como principio de legitimidad. El carácter revolucionario de estos cambios fue evidente en todos los actores de la época, tanto para sus partidarios como para sus adversarios. Una última dimensión señala a la independencia como una vasta conmoción social que pone en movimiento una multitud de actores sociales y políticos, con una amplitud y simultaneidad sin equivalente en otras épocas históricas. Parte de esa dimensión son los movimientos sociales en los que intervienen varios grupos étnicos, criollos y peninsulares. La guerra se convierte en un fenómeno social endémico y aparecen nuevos actores sociales (ejércitos, guerrillas, montoneros y bandas armadas de todo tipo) y con ellos jefes militares y caudillos, y cuyo peso como actores políticos será cada vez mayor, pues, como lo comenta Guerra, la revolución de Independencia será también "un poderoso disolvente de la sociedad del antiguo régimen y creará también nuevas solidaridades".

This dissertation examines the state-making and citizenship projects embedded within the Nationalist (KMT) government's mobilization of men to serve in the army during World War Two. My project views wartime conscription as a fundamental break with earlier modes of recruitment, the gentry-led militarization of the late-Qing dynasty and the mercenary armies of the warlords. Nationalist authorities saw compulsory service as a tool for creating genuine citizen-soldiers and yet, while conscription was a strategic success, it proved to be a political failure. Despite the expansion of the institutional structures to extract men from their villages, conscription work was always dependent on local community elites. The result was a persistent commercialization of conscription, as men were hired as substitute draftees or literally bought and sold The draft became a stark lesson in political alienation from the government: individuals evaded; rural communities shielded their residents and preyed on outsiders; and Chongqing's densely packed urban institutions defended, sometimes violently, their human resources from the state's agents. In contrast to this political debacle, the Intellectual Youth Volunteer Movement (1943-45) was a triumph. Deracinated refugee youth - students, teachers, petty professionals and civil servants - who were already dependent on the state and ravaged by inflation, volunteered to serve in the Intellectual Youth Army. An elite force that was ironically militarily irrelevant, the Youth Army had a political mission to legitimize the Nationalist state by embodying, and publicizing themselves as, model citizens and elite soldiers. This study not only contributes to the history of the war in China, which remains only partially understood, but also to debates on Nationalist state-making and issues of political culture. It tackles the relatively neglected area of Nationalist-held interior society, rather than revolution in communist base areas or collaboration in Japanese occupied areas. It challenges the conventional narrative of wholesale disintegration in the KMT-held interior, a perspective which grew out of America's involvement in China during the war and subsequent scholarship's focus on the revolutionary growth of the Communist Party. And it offers new and nuanced perspectives on the institutional expansion of the Nationalist state, its connection to the war, and the responses (both rural and urban) to state demands. The picture that emerges is one of uneven state growth, combined with political alienation in the countryside. On the citizenship front, my project again shows a degree of vitality in the Nationalist state that has not previously been appreciated in the literature. The Youth Army and its prolific autobiographical propaganda are analyzed to uncover the socio-economic bases of volunteerism, the careful bargain struck between the state and the volunteers, and their complex self-identities as loyal citizen-soldiers. A close analysis of the political techniques to inculcate those identities and an excavation of the material object of the rifle, which stood at the center of the Youth Army's political symbology, outline the nature of Nationalist citizenship, not as a position endowed with "rights" but as an affirmation of the fundamental myth of the Nationalist state itself: that the state was coterminous with the people.

Anatomy of a tyranny -- Personal rule, military rule and militarism -- Somali civil wars -- Clan conflicts : the invention of enmity -- International versus local peace building -- Somaliland in contrast with Eritrea -- Somali Islam and politics

บทความนี้ มุ่งศึกษาวัฒนธรรมการผลิตใหม่ของหนังสือด้วยบริบททางสังคม โดย ยกกรณีศึกษาเรื่อง "สามก๊ก" การผลิตใหม่จากวรรณกรรมคลาสสิกสู่หนังสือขายดี หลังจาก วิกฤติเศรษฐกิจ "ต้มยำกุ้ง" และการคอรัปชั่นทางการเมืองในปี พ.ศ.2540 โดยวิธีการสำรวจ ตลาดหนังสือที่เกี่ยวข้อง และความสัมพันธ์ระหว่างบริบทของสังคมกับ นักเขียน นักอ่าน และ ผู้ผลิต และศึกษาจากตัวอย่างของสามก๊กสองฉบับที่ขายดีและมีชื่อเสียงมาก ซึ่งได้ตีแผ่ ความคิดของชนชั้นนำไทยสองกลุ่ม ได้แก่ เจ้าสัว และ ขุนศึก ให้คนทั่วไปสามารถเข้าถึงได้ง่าย นั่นคือ "สามก๊กฉบับนักบริหาร" หนังสือคู่มือที่มีชื่อเสียงมาก และ "สามก๊กฉบับคนขาย ชาติ" หนังสือเสียดสีการเมืองไทย งานทั้งสองฉบับนี้เป็นผลจากการนำชุดความรู้และภูมิ ปัญญาจีนในสามก๊กมาผลิตใหม่สู่หนังสือขายดี ผลการศึกษาแสดงให้เห็นว่า สามก๊กเป็น วรรณกรรมคลาสสิกเพียงเรื่องเดียวในสังคมไทยที่ประสบความสำเร็จในการผลิตใหม่สู่หนังสือขายดีด้วยกระแสนิยม "บูรพาภิวัตน์" ในฐานะภูมิปัญญาจีนหรือชุดความรู้ที่สามารถ ตอบสนองความต้องการของคนอ่านเพื่อแก้ไขปัญหาและเป็นวิธีสู่การประสบความสำเร็จใน ชีวิตได้ และยังได้สร้างแบรนด์สินค้าของตนเองเพื่อการสร้างกลุ่มนักเขียนและนักอ่านสืบทอด ต่อไปได้ด้วย 从中国经典到泰国畅销书:1997 年后泰国 《三国演义》书籍的商品化本文试图对中国经典小说《三国演义》在泰国的商品化,尤其是它在 1997 年泰国经济危机后的生产和消费加以讨论。自19 世纪《三国》在泰出 版以来,一直深受泰国读者的欢迎,而且事实上《三国》还成为泰国商人和 政治人物获取知识的一种来源。1997 年经济危机以后,"东方化"的概念流 行,强调东方的知识和价值,并成为被广泛讨论的话题。本文指出1997 年 的经济危机促成了中国经典书籍,特别是《三国》在泰国的生产和消费。这 从当两本《三国》泰文书籍的畅销可知,其中一本是《管理经商的三国》, 讲三国与商业运作,一本是《卖国贼的三国》,用三国来进行政治讽刺。这 两本书都是从三国的故事主线发展出来的,同时又有自己特殊的目的,它们 都将中国经典小说三国商品化,成为一种现成的可以实践的知识。 From Chinese classic to Thai best sellers: The Commondification of the Romance of Three Kingdoms (Samkok) in post-1997 ThailandThis article attempts to examine the commodification of the Chinese classic "The Romance of the Three Kingdoms," or Samkok in Thai, with particular focus on the production and consumption of Thai best sellers on Samkok after the economic crisis in 1997. It demonstrates that although circulated in Thai society since the nineteenth century, Samkok has never lost it popularity among Thai readers. In fact, Samkok has become a source of knowledge for Thai entrepreneurs and politicians, or what Craig J. Reynolds called, "Tycoons" and "Warlords". After the economic crisis in 1997, the idea of "Orientalization" that emphasizes knowledge and value of the East has become a matter of much discussion. Therefore, this article argues that the economic crisis in 1997 gives rise to the popularity of production and consumption of books that stem from Chinese classics, especially Samkok. This can be seen from the case of study of two Thai best sellers: "Samkok for the executives"—a popular how-to business book, and "Samkok for the traitors"—a famous political parody book. Both are developed from the storyline of Samkok with specific purposes, which commodify the Chinese classic Samkok into Thai best sellers for being a source of ready-made knowledge.

War has been an integral part of human history. The economical, political, social and technological advancement of society, has transformed primitive, tribal type wars into state waged wars that are highly organized and deadly. At the same time war appears to be taking new face. Today both states and non states wage war. Still ongoing insurgencies in Iraq and Afghanistan, remind us that not all wars are fought among nation-states. Majority of wars in past three decades were not interstate, when at least in one fighting side it was something other than a military force, organized and operating under the control of national government. Almost all of these conflicts had the external intervention by other states. War against terrorism has showed that state owned armed forces meet new type of enemy in battle field. Not only armies and navies, but also local warlords, nets of terrorist groups and criminal gangs are the force that state militaries have to deal with. So the aim of this paper is to find out, how new warfare affects the international system and answer the questions what are the implications of the new warfare for the Armed Forces, nation states and international system. This study consists of five parts. In the first part the three concepts, competing for the position of leading theory of conflict in the twenty first century are analyzed: realpolitik approach, Transformation theory, and Forth Generation Warfare theory. Main focus is on the later. Works of the leading proponents of 4GW theory are discussed in this part: M. Creveld's theoretical thoughts about decentralization of warfare and its 'decoupleation' from the state; W. S. Lind's Forth Generation model and main driving factors simulating generational shift; and T. X. Hammes's ideas about political, social and economic factors as a true drivers of generational change. The aim of this analysis was to derive characteristics of the New Warfare. This enabled to identify the most dominant, specific features of this type of war fighting: new actors, new space and asymmetry. The second part of the paper is devoted for substance of the identified features elaboration. Today new participants of the new warfare could be divided at least into two groups: state and non-state actors, while within each of the aforementioned groups possible all other divisions according certain criteria. This paper focuses on civilian and military sectors including private dimension in both. Space where new warfare is taking place could be viewed through two different levels: micro and macro. While talking about the third feature - asymmetry, here this issue is discussed in terms of ways and means. In each of the other three parts of the paper the implications of new warfare for Armed Forces, States an International System are discussed. Results of the research show the need for adaptation for armed forces in terms of cooperation with private sector and more military focused civilian institutions. Concerning the states, results of the analysis show the necessity of deeper cooperation and integration with "friendly" international actors and possibility of "isolation" concerning non friendly ones. In general research shows the need for international cooperation in order to find new tools required in new war fighting; and the effect of it – the loss of states monopoly over warfare, by transferring part of their sovereignty to private sector and international institutions. New non-state actors appear in international system willing and able to shape international security issues. This affects international system, which needs to adapt to new changes in this sphere. Not only international legal base concerning war and military conflicts has to be reconsidered, but also international tools of power projection should be re-examined in terms of their relevance and effectiveness.