Suchergebnisse

Großwohnsiedlungen der Nachkriegszeit haben das Gesicht vieler Städte in ganz Europa geprägt. Ursprünglich sollten diese Planungen der 1950er bis 1980er Jahre die Stadtstruktur verbessern und teilweise auch eine neue Form von Gemeinschaftlichkeit und Urbanität schaffen. In erster Linie zur Linderung der Wohnungsnot gebaut, wurden die Siedlungen auch als buchstäbliche Heimat für eine "neue Gesellschaft" geplant, sei es unter sozialistischen Regimes oder im demokratischen Wohlfahrtsstaat. Die Umgestaltung der Gesellschaft sollte durch die Gestaltung der neuen Siedlungen unterstützt werden, wobei den gemeinschaftlich genutzten Räumen ein besonderer Stellenwert zukam. Die verschiedenen Ausformungen dieser Räume waren Gegenstand der zweiten Konferenz des 45plus-Netzwerk, die in Darmstadt im September 2012 stattfand und in diesem Band dokumentiert wird. Durch die Fokussierung auf gemeinschaftlich genutzte Räume wie Parks, Freiflächen und Sportplätze, aber auch Gemeindezentren, Schulen, Kirchen, Krankenhäuser, Einkaufsstraßen, stellen die in den Beiträgen der Konferenz angesprochen Räume wichtige Identifikationspunkte der "neue Gesellschaften" dar. Gemeinschaftliche Räume wurden geplant, um die neuen Wohnsiedlungen zusammenzuhalten – als gut gestaltete und attraktive gebaute Umwelt, als soziale Scharniere und vor allem als symbolische Anker. Oft setzten sie prominente Gestaltungsmerkmale um so als Symbole der Siedlungen und ihrer programmatischen Subtexte zu dienen. Während Planer und Politiker die gemeinschaftlichen Räume mit dem Fokus auf ihr Potenzial als Ort der Identifikation gestalteten, wurden diese Räume durch die sie nutzenden Gemeinden in unterschiedlicher Weise angeeignet und auch uminterpretiert. Kurz gesagt, Bewohner - wie auch die breite Öffentlichkeit – verstanden, interpretierten und nutzten die gemeinschaftlichen Räume und deren individuellen Eigenschaften möglicherweise auf deutlich andere Art und Weise als ursprünglich geplant. Heute können die anhaltenden Spannungen zwischen Absicht und Nutzung der gemeinschaftlichen Räume als Indikator für Identifikationsprozesse verstanden werden und stellen gleichzeitig eine der großen Herausforderungen bei der Sanierung von Großwohnsiedlungen dar, offenbaren jedoch vielleicht auch unerwartete Chancen. ; Large housing estates of the post-war era have shaped the face of many cities throughout Europe. In the original plans of the 1950s-1980s they were to amend the urban structure and in many cases they were expected to enable a superior form of communality and urbanity. The estates were built to ease the housing shortage, but were also thought to quite literally become the home for a "new society", be it under socialist regimes or the democratic welfare state. The reformation of society was expected to be supported by the environment of the newly built estates and, most crucially, their community spaces. The different manifestations of these community spaces were the subject of the second conference of the 45plus network, which took place in Darmstadt in September 2012 and which is documented in this volume. By focusing on community spaces, such as community centers, schools, churches, hospitals, shopping districts but also parks, open spaces and sport-grounds, the contributions to the conference addressed spaces that were thought to be particularly important points of identification for the "new societies" these estates were expected to foster. Community spaces were planned in order to hold the housing estates together – as well designed and attractive built environments, as social hubs and especially as symbolic anchors. Quite often, they boasted prominent design features, intended to serve as recognisable markers of the estates and their programmatic subtexts. While planners and politicians conceptualized community spaces with their potential to shape identification in view, communities tended to appropriate such spaces in different ways and to reinterpret their meanings. In short, local inhabitants – as well as the broader public – possibly identified with community spaces, their individual features and with the ideas and practices they associated with them in significantly different ways than originally intended. Today, the continuing tension between intention and appropriation of community spaces can be understood as an indicator of identification processes and appears to be one of the major challenges in the redevelopment of large housing estates, but might also provide unexpected opportunities.

International audience ; Le programme " Minha casa, minha vida " (Ma Maison, Ma Vie), le plus grand programme de construction de logements des trente dernières années, a profondément changé le paysage de nombreuses villes brésiliennes en y créant d'immense quartiers de maisons identiques, alignées au cordeau et très proches les unes des autres. Lancé en 2009, au cours du second mandat de Luíz Inácio Lula da Silva, il est devenu l'un des principaux fleurons des politiques gouvernementales de Dilma Rousseff. Conçu pour stimuler la construction et lutter contre les effets de la crise économique internationale, il est devenu un instrument pour réduire le déficit de logements dans le pays, mais il n'échappe pas aux critiques des spécialistes qui l'ont étudié. L'article, après une brève présentation de son histoire, il cherche à repérer la marque du programme sur le paysage des villes sur des photos (prises sur le terrain ou récoltées sur Internet) et des images verticales de Google Earth. Des exemples spécifiques sont choisis dans des villes de taille moyenne et certaines capitales. Enfin deux interviews nous aident compléter l'évaluation du programme. ABSTRACT/ RESUMO NEW URBAN LANDSCAPES OF THE MINHA CASA, MINHA VIDA PROGRAM The " Minha casa, minha vida " (My house, My life) program, the country's largest housing program in the last 30 years, changed the landscape of many Brazilian cities. Launched in 2009, in the second term of former President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, he became one of Dilma Rousseff's main government policies Rousseff and was responsible for the construction, on the urban fringes around the country, of sets of tens, hundreds or even thousands small houses. Designed to streamline construction and combat the effects of the international economic crisis, it became an instrument to reduce the housing deficit in the country, but does not escape criticism from the experts who have studied their ventures. The article after a short presentation of its history, discusses its effects on the landscape of ...

In this thesis I study Indigenous activism in the inner-Sydney suburb of Redfern in the 1970s. I explore the establishment and operation of five Aboriginal organisations: the Aboriginal Legal Service, the Aboriginal Medical Service, Murawina preschool and childcare centre, the Black Theatre and the Aboriginal Housing Company. The histories of these organisations, how they were set up and by whom, have not previously been comprehensively or collectively studied in an academic context. Yet they were the first to provide welfare services for Aboriginal people by Aboriginal people in the fields of law, health, education, culture and housing. This in itself makes it an important topic to explore.Furthermore, Aboriginal organisations in Redfern were among the first to experience self-determination as a Commonwealth Government policy, which accordingly supported Aboriginal- run welfare services. However, none of the organisations limited their activities to providing welfare services, such as health or legal services, to their community. Rather they became political power bases that extended their influence beyond the local to the state and national levels. Their representatives took part in articulating Aboriginal nationalism and in the daily practises of the organisations strived for Aboriginal control and their definition of Aboriginal self-determination. Yet, in order to receive funding they had to negotiate the scope and the limits of their activism with the representatives of the newly established Department of Aboriginal Affairs at a time when the non-Indigenous state was most committed to universalist welfare under the Whitlam government.As part of their aspiration for self-determination the Aboriginal organisations in Redfern assumed a central role in strengthening urban Aboriginal identity and community in a settler colonial city which in non-Indigenous minds had been discursively emptied of Indigenous presence. In their activism they challenged the notion of urban space as void of Aboriginality and in their struggle for self-determination claimed Indigenous ownership of social and geographic spaces in the city.

Chicago has long served as a symbol of urban pathology in the public imagination. The city's staggering levels of violence and entrenched gang culture occupy a central place in the national discourse, yet remain poorly understood and are often stereotyped. Views from the Streets explains the dramatic transformation of black street gangs on Chicago's South Side during the early twenty-first century, shedding new light on why gang violence persists and what might be done to address it.Drawing on years of community work and in-depth interviews with gang members, Roberto R. Aspholm describes in vivid detail the internal rebellions that shattered the city's infamous corporate-style African American street gangs. He explores how, in the wake of these uprisings, young gang members have radically refashioned gang culture and organization on Chicago's South Side, rejecting traditional hierarchies and ideologies and instead embracing a fierce ethos of personal autonomy that has made contemporary gang violence increasingly spontaneous and unregulated. In calling attention to the historical context of these issues and to the elements of resistance embedded in Chicago's contemporary gang culture, Aspholm challenges conventional views of gang members as inherently pathological. He critically analyzes highly touted "universal" violence prevention strategies, depicting street-level realities to illuminate why they have ultimately failed to reduce levels of bloodshed. An unprecedented analysis of the nature and meaning of gang violence, Views from the Streets proposes an alternative framework for addressing the seemingly intractable issues of inequality, despair, and violence in Chicago

Study region Combined Sewer Overflows (CSO) of 671 Functional Urban Areas (FUAs) throughout the European Union + UK (EU28), representing almost half of the EU28 population. Study focus CSO loads can be quantified at the local scale through measurements, or with calibrated hydrological models. However, they are difficult to quantify at a large scale (e.g. regional or national), due to a lack of data, and the models used at local scale cannot be applied in the absence of knowledge of the combined sewer (CS) network. This paper presents a 6-parameter lumped hydrological model to simulate a CS network and its overflows, using population and rainfall data of 671 EU28 FUAs. New hydrological insights for the region When properly calibrated, the model can predict the CSO hydrographs as well as aggregated CSO descriptors of a catchment with known impervious surface area connected to a CS with a reasonable reliability. When model calibration is not possible, using default values of the parameters enables a first approximation estimate of CSOs, accurate within one order of magnitude, which can be used to support scenario analysis for regional and continental CSO management. At the EU28 scale, the estimated total CSO volume is 5.7·10$^3$ Mm$^3$/y, with a dry weather flow content in CSOs of 460 Mm$^3$/y (assuming a dry weather flow of 200 l/population equivalent (PE)/day including sanitary discharges, industrial discharge and infiltration). A collection of case studies on CSOs is also provided.

Policymakers across the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) have long tried to integrate their people spatially and economically. Wishing to bring communities together and narrow economic gaps, governments have made large capital investments in transport corridors and "new cities." Hoping to provide jobs in places with little economic activity, governments have designated new industrial zones supported by spatially targeted business incentives. Yet the results of these place-based initiatives in MENA are limited. The disparities between capital cities and lagging areas, and between richer and poorer quarters of cities, remain stark. Across much of the region, a fortunate few are connected to opportunity, while many more people are marginal to the formal economy--or live outside it, seemingly forgotten. Why have place-based spatial initiatives in MENA countries largely underdelivered not yielding more sustainable jobs and growth? While the challenges are many and vary across the region, this report explains that many of these place-based policies get one thing wrong: they attempt to treat inequity's spatial and physical symptoms, not its causes. This report presents the five roots of spatial inequity in institutional inefficiencies across MENA--urban regulatory frictions, credentialist education systems, centralized control over local public services, barriers to the spatial mobility of goods and people, and barriers to market entry and lop-sided business environments – within cities, within countries, and across national borders. It proposes five transitional steps toward enabling convergence informed by economic geography.

"Repensar Bonpastor - Concurso de ideas para una remodelación participativa y con cero desalojos de un barrio popular de Barcelona", promovido por la Alianza Internacional de Habitantes y organizado por un grupo independiente de técnicos de Barcelona, recibió 45 propuestas desde todo el mundo. El artículo explica como la lucha vecinal de las "casas baratas de Bon Pastor" llegó a entrelazarse con la antropología aplicada, la solidaridad internacional, la historia oral, la arquitectura social, el activismo autogestionario, para intentar construir colectivamente una nueva manera de "hacer ciudad": en que los habitantes sean los verdaderos artífices y protagonistas de las transformaciones, y en que los técnicos (antropólogos en particular) garanticen el respeto hacia los significados y valores que la ciudad representa para sus habitantes. ; "Repensar Bonpastor - a Competition of ideas for a participative and zero-eviction urban renewal of a popular neighbourhood in Barcelona", promoted by the International Alliance of Inhabitants and organized by an independent group of technicians from Barcelona, received 45 proposals from all over the world. The article explains how the local struggles of the neighbours of the "casas baratas de Bon Pastor" succeeded in gathering applied anthropology, international solidarity, oral history, social architecture, political activism, into a shared attempt to find a new way of "making the city": where inhabitants are the leading actors of the transformations, and technicians (especially anthropologists) guarantee respect towards the meanings and value that the city represents to its inhabitants.

This article presents the results of the investigation "Imaginary urban teachers", carried out from April 2007 until April 2008, with teachers participating in the project-City School-School, which is part of public policy educational government's Luis Eduardo Garzón, Bogotá a Great School: For children and young people learn more and better. In the investigative process are discussed three important aspects of Bogotá as educational scene. The first focuses on the contribution of recent district governments to address the problem of educating city. The second explores the imaginary that teachers have on Bogotá. And the third analyzes the transformation of teaching practices of teachers linked to the project on city. ; Este artículo presenta los resultados de la investigación "Imaginarios urbanos en docentes", llevada a cabo desde el mes de abril de 2007, hasta abril de 2008, con maestros participantes en el proyecto Escuela-Ciudad-Escuela, que hace parte de la política pública educativa del gobierno de Luis Eduardo Garzón, "Bogotá una gran escuela: para que niños, niñas y jóvenes aprendan más y mejor". En el proceso investigativo se analizan tres aspectos importantes de Bogotá como escenario educativo. El primero se centra en el aporte de los últimos gobiernos distritales para abordar la problemática de ciudad educadora. El segundo explora los imaginarios que los profesores tienen sobre Bogotá, y el tercero analiza la transformación de las prácticas pedagógicas de los maestros vinculados al proyecto sobre ciudad.

This book deals with the housing- and settlement-policy of the authoritarian Austrian Corporate State (Staendestaat) in Vienna between 1934 and 1938. National and international dialogues led to building strategies for a car-friendly city. Different types of flats, settlements and administration buildings will be shown, as well as planned monumental buildings of the unity party Fatherland Front (Vaterlaendische Front). - Dieses Buch beschäftigt sich mit der Baupolitik des autoritären Ständestaates in Wien von 1934 bis 1938. Die autogerechte Verkehrsstadt stand dabei im Zentrum einer urbanen Baustrategie, die aus nationalen und internationalen Beispielen schöpfte. Wohnungs-, Siedlungs- und Verwaltungsgebäude werden genauso dargestellt, wie geplante Monumentalbauten der Einheitspartei Vaterländische Front.

This book is a reflection on the Jewish presence in two European capitals, Warsaw and Berlin, in the first half of the 20th century. It was inspired by the works of Polish-Jewish, Yiddish and German-Jewish authors, as well as by the connections between urban spaces and the formation of different varieties of modern Jewish identity. The spotlight is cast on images preserved in literary works, namely those concerning separate Jewish neighborhoods and the sphere of cultural interethnic contacts. By attempting to restore the presence of Jewish inhabitants of both cities, destroyed by the Holocaust, it may become possible to see how the imagined communities of the time were created and preserved in the texts, even if, in reality, the metropolises were transformed into necropolises.

International audience ; This urban ethnography study deals with understanding how different actors take possession of the beach as a field of possibilities, through the planning of future mega-events (such as the Football World Cup in 2014 and the Olympic Summer Games in 2016). Artists that one can meet on the beach negotiate their stands location and try to acquire legitimacy on this world-famous space of Copacabana beach. While carefully including the sensory dimension of trade practices in the economy of the beach, this paper will above all be focused on the political nature of the sensitive. It will deal with the logics begetting the political sense that invests these cultural activities, thus establishing one of the possible significance of pieces, speeches, practices, by definition unfolded.

International audience ; This urban ethnography study deals with understanding how different actors take possession of the beach as a field of possibilities, through the planning of future mega-events (such as the Football World Cup in 2014 and the Olympic Summer Games in 2016). Artists that one can meet on the beach negotiate their stands location and try to acquire legitimacy on this world-famous space of Copacabana beach. While carefully including the sensory dimension of trade practices in the economy of the beach, this paper will above all be focused on the political nature of the sensitive. It will deal with the logics begetting the political sense that invests these cultural activities, thus establishing one of the possible significance of pieces, speeches, practices, by definition unfolded.

It is argued that WWII profoundly transformed US liberalism. A demographic shift occurred in which African Americans moved from the rural South to the urban North & increased their visibility in society. The inclusion of women in the workforce increased their public visibility, as well, & traditional gender roles were questioned, albeit hesitantly. The economic activity of WWII also ended the Great Depression & restored faith in capitalism, disproving the notion that the US economy had reached its full potential. At the same time, a fear of the state & the people or the masses developed, fueled by the writings of liberal intellectuals. The US victory also promoted a faith in the country's ability to rebuild itself, which led to liberal efforts to combat social & racial injustice & poverty that continue to the present day. J. Ferrari

In recent decades, the death of the nation-state has been announced, opening the door to the idea of a world that manages to overcome government, justice, economic redistribution, social integration and territorial control issues. After 2010, the idea of the disappearance of the nation-state has grown again, where there is a consensus on the need to recognize the leading role that cities currently play, and how they concentrate the conditions of power over which states can act. In this context, the aim of this paper is to inquire what metropolises represent with respect to contemporary nation-states. This question was resolved based on the review of texts written by experts, data derived from specialized journals and a review of specific news published in international newspapers. In conclusion, the nation-states see in the big cities, on the one hand, an opportunity to strengthen their political power in an unprecedented way; or on the contrary, a challenge to their power, understood as a permanent tension between urban areas and state government, seen as the subjection of the metropolis to the States. ; En las últimas décadas, se ha anunciado la muerte del Estado-nación, abriéndose la puerta a la idea de un mundo que logra superar los problemas de gobierno, justicia, redistribución económica, integración social y control territorial. Luego del 2010, ha vuelto a crecer esa idea de desaparición del Estado-nación, donde hay consenso en la necesidad de reconocer el protagonismo que actualmente tienen las ciudades y cómo estas concentran las condiciones de poder sobre las que los Estados pueden actuar. En este contexto, se pretende indagar sobre: ¿qué representan las metrópolis con respecto a los Estados-nación contemporáneos? Esta pregunta se resolvió a partir de la revisión de textos escritos por expertos, datos derivados de revistas especializadas y una revisión sobre noticias puntuales publicadas en diarios internacionales. En conclusión, se establece que los Estados-nación ven en las grandes ciudades, por una parte, una oportunidad de afianzar su poder político de una forma sin precedentes; por otra parte, ven en ellas un desafío a su poder, entendido como una tensión permanente entre áreas urbanas y gobierno estatal, percibido como el sometimiento de las metrópolis a los Estados. ; Nas últimas décadas, foi anunciada a morte do Estado-nação, permitindo o desenvolvimento da idéia de um mundo que consegue superar os problemas de governo, justiça, redistribuição econômica, integração social e controle territorial. Depois de 2010, reapareceu a idéia do desaparecimento do Estado-nação, agora existindo um consenso sobre a necessidade de reconhecer o protagonismo que atualmente têm as cidades e como elas concentram as condições de poder sobre as quais os Estados podem agir. Neste contexto, o objetivo é pesquisar: o que as metrópoles representam em relação aos estados-nação contemporâneos? Esta questão foi resolvida com base na revisão de textos escritos por especialistas, dados derivados de revistas especializadas e uma revisão de notícias específicas publicadas em jornais internacionais. Em conclusão, os estadosnação vêem nas grandes cidades, por um lado, uma oportunidade de fortalecer seu poder político de forma sem precedentes, ou pelo contrário, um desafio ao seu poder, entendido como uma tensão permanente entre as áreas urbanas e o governo estadual, visto como sujeição da metrópole aos Estados

Political parties use market information to influence shaping of a product they are offering. Political marketing is defined as a relationship between the political subject and the market. It refers to those political actors who have realized the importance, effect and techniques of business marketing. It studies relationships between products of political organizations and demands of the market. Political marketing uses techniques of marketing in order to reach its goals. Today's 21st century is marked by the use of electronic media. The Internet is a basis of everyday life. Political marketing has recognized trends and has directed a large percentage of action on digital environment. The greatest advantage of political e-marketing is efficient communication with a large number of potential consumers, in this case, of political subjects with their potential voters. Long-term goal of political subjects is political power. There is no difference between the application of traditional and political marketing in digital environment. This paper presents results of a research whose aim was determining whether political marketing in digital environment has a bigger influence on voters in rural or in urban electoral units. Research sample consisted of voters in the IV and the VIII electoral units during electoral campaign for Croatian Parliament in 2016. Research was conducted using a questionnaire among potential voters. The aforementioned electoral units were chosen due to their differences, the IV being a predominantly rural electoral unit, and the VIII as a predominantly urban electoral unit. The results show that there is no difference between voters in the IV and the VIII electoral units; in other words, that influence of political marketing in digital environment is almost the same regardless of the voters' area of residence. It is necessary to emphasize that the Republic of Croatia is a specific area in which political marketing has a weak influence on voters. This research can aid better understanding of political marketing in digital environment and can become a foundation of marketing strategy of political subjects in the next elections for Parliament. ; Političke stranke koriste tržišne informacije kako bi utjecale na oblikovanje proizvoda kojeg nude. Politički marketing se definira kao odnos između političkog subjekta i tržišta. Odnosi se na one aktere politike koji su shvatili važnost, učinak i tehnike poslovnog marketinga. Proučava odnose između proizvoda političke organizacije i zahtjeva tržišta. Politički marketing koristi tehnike marketinga kako bi ostvario svoje ciljeve. Današnje 21. stoljeće obilježava korištenje elektroničkih medija. Temelj svakodnevnog života je Internet. Politički marketing je prepoznao trendove, te je usmjerio visoki postotak djelovanje na digitalno okruženje. Najveća prednost političkog e-marketinga je efikasna komunikacija s velikim brojem potencijalnih potrošača, u slučaju političkih subjekta potencijalnih glasača. Dugoročni cilj političkih subjekta je politička vlast. Nema razlike između primjene tradicionalnog i političkog marketinga u digitalnom okruženju. U ovom radu su prikazani rezultati istraživanja čiji je cilj bio utvrditi utječe li politički marketing u digitalnom okruženju više na glasače u ruralnim ili urbanim izbornim jedinicama. Ispitni uzorak su bili birači u IV. i VIII. izbornoj jedinici prilikom izborne kampanje za Hrvatski sabor 2016. godine. Istraživanje se provelo kroz anketni upitnik među potencijalnim biračima. Navedene izborne jedinice su izabrane zbog svojih različitosti, IV. kao pretežito ruralna izborna jedinica i VIII. kao pretežito urbana izborna jedinica. Rezultati istraživanja su prikazali kako nema razlika između birača IV. i VIII. izborne jedinice, odnosno kako je utjecaj političkog marketinga u digitalnom okruženju gotovo jednak bez obzira na područje u kojem birači žive. Potrebno je istaknuti kako je Republika Hrvatska specifično područje u kojem politički marketing ima nizak utjecaj na glasače. Ovo istraživanje može doprinijeti bolje razumijevanju političkog marketinga u digitalnom okruženje, te može postati temelj marketinške strategije političkih subjekata za iduće parlamentarne izbore.