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Palm oil industry in Indonesia is currently facing a major challenge which began with the European Union Parliamentary Resolution on Palm Oil and Deforestation of Rainforest. Later, the European Commission ratifying the Delegated Regulation No. C (2019) 2055 Final on High and Low ILUC Risk Criteria on Biofuels. It was accused as a form of discrimination against palm oil and contained political motives as well as business competition considering the Indonesia's palm oil products are in accordance with international regulations and sustainable development goals. Therefore, a strategy for palm oil diplomacy is needed to counter this discrimination. For this reasons, Indonesian diplomacy need to provide an explanation to stakeholders in Europen Union and to carry out a regional and multilateral economic diplomacy. This paper will use qualitative methods to describe Indonesia's economic diplomacy in facing the European Union's efforts to reduce palm oil imports.

The ocean and its marine resources play an important role in providing sources of livelihood to the Indonesian people. Indonesia is currently dealing with a major plastic waste problem, and this, in turn, also impacts the marine environment since the plastic waste ends up in the ocean. The issue of marine pollution is regulated under international conventions such as the MARPOL and UNCLOS, though none is specifically addressing marine plastic waste. Moreover, Indonesia has enacted several regulations to manage marine plastic waste, including Presidential Regulation Number 83 of 2018 on Marine Waste Management, and Indonesian citizens have taken an active role in reducing plastic waste. However, stricter and more specific regulations are needed as guidelines for the long-term strategy in handling marine plastic pollution in Indonesia, and proper analysis on the impact of such regulation towards the stakeholders and affected parties would be needed.

The bioethical issue is one of the concerns on genetically modified (GM) crops. One of the features to acknowledge this bioethical issue is through public participation. Through public participation, any concerns relating to the application and the release of GM crops could be integrated in the biosafety decision making process. The role of public participation is essential as it is a foundation of responsible democratic governance. It advocates public consultations by creating opportunities for transparency, informed and representative decision-making processes. This paper appraises the provision on public participation in the Malaysian Biosafety Act 2007 as to the extent to which bioethical issues could be integrated in the biosafety decision making process. The paper also proposes suggestions on good governance of public participation based on the relevant international legal agreements so that it is properly enforced and serves the desired objective of Biosafety Act 2007.

What explains the remarkable resilience of pension regulation in postauthoritarian Chile, even after decades of majoritarian voter discontent and growing international and domestic criticism of Pinochet's pioneering private capitalization system? This puzzling outcome can be understood only by looking at the combined effect of the pension industry's long-term power-building investments and its short-term political actions to outmaneuver state and societal challengers. Engaging new theoretical developments in political economy and historical institutionalism, this study examines the long-term process by which the previously nonexistent Chilean pension industry expanded and leveraged its power during key episodes of open contestation. The analysis of pension regulation in Chile between the 1980s and the 2010s illustrates the importance of placing business power in time, motivating new rounds of theory building in the quest to address the perennial question of how business gets what it wants in the political arena.

Chile is recognized in the educational policy field as one of the first laboratories of neoliberal initiatives. These policies, initiated under the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet, did not change with the new democratic governments after 1990. This characteristic led international organizations to promote the Chilean policies in different contexts in Latin America and beyond. In 2006, a high school student movement occupied public and private schools, demystifying the outcomes of these policies. A new wave of demonstrations took place in 2011, with a college student leadership that paralyzed a significant amount of universities and schools throughout the country. After both waves of mobilizations, the political system opened the process of policy-making that considered the demands of social movements. In this article, we explore the dynamics between educational policies and social student movements in Chile, and the possibilities of change in favor of public education.

What explains the remarkable resilience of pension regulation in postauthoritarian Chile, even after decades of majoritarian voter discontent and growing international and domestic criticism of Pinochet's pioneering private capitalization system? This puzzling outcome can be understood only by looking at the combined effect of the pension industry's long-term power-building investments and its short-term political actions to outmaneuver state and societal challengers. Engaging new theoretical developments in political economy and historical institutionalism, this study examines the long-term process by which the previously nonexistent Chilean pension industry expanded and leveraged its power during key episodes of open contestation. The analysis of pension regulation in Chile between the 1980s and the 2010s illustrates the importance of placing business power in time, motivating new rounds of theory building in the quest to address the perennial question of how business gets what it wants in the political arena.

The maritime industry had for long, recognized the relevance and significance of arbitration as a method of dispute resolution. The industry has been utilizing quasi-ad-hoc mechanism in conducting its arbitrations. Of recent, the industry is witnessing a phenomenal shift from the traditional quasi –ad-hoc mechanism to institutional mechanisms whereby special administrative centers dedicated to the resolution maritime disputes are being established to administer the dispute resolution. Recently, the government of Dubai in the United Arab Emirates, pursuant to Decree No (14) of 2016 had established Emirates Maritime Arbitration Center with the objective of settling local and international maritime disputes using alternative dispute resolution methods. The paper investigates the two approaches of ad-hoc vs institutionalism of administering dispute settlement in the maritime industry from a tailored analytical tool of 'access to arbitration' mirrored on the well-established legal principle of access to justice.

The article is an analysis on the African ethical system of human rights and their influences on laws criminalizing same sex relationships in Nigeria and Kenya. The article argued that despite the communitarian perspective to human rights in Africa, the influence of such a perspective were limited in the making of the anti-gay laws. It further expressed that the major influence in the making of those laws is the colonialist British juristic legacies. The paper chronicled the experiences of the LGBT in both countries, and showed the inconsistencies of the anti-gay laws with both constitutional and international law standards. The article concluded that the laws are repugnant to the principles of human liberty, which have been embraced by many African constitutionalities, and that the biggest problem with the juristic processes in many African countries is that there is a poor reflective attitude in the legislative systems.

Le présent article présente l'étude de la politique migratoire marocaine basée sur une étude benchmark de l'expérience française dans ce domaine et d'une analyse comparative entre les deux politiques migratoires Marocaine et Française. L'objectif de cette étude est de : - Juger l'efficacité de la politique migratoire Marocaine en fonction des indicateurs spécifiques d'évaluation et d'amélioration de la performance de la politique en question; - Stimuler une réflexion stratégique pour formuler des recommandations et / ou proposer des plans d'action à adopter. Le parangonnage international est un travail qui doit se faire dans la durée et par des experts. En revanche la présente étude dans cet article n'est qu'une amorce pour effectuer un état de l'art de la politique migratoire marocaine, dont la finalité d'améliorer sa performante à travers son évaluation par des indicateurs de performance efficaces et fiables, et pour qu'il soit un point de départ pour des investigations futures.

Le présent article présente l'étude de la politique migratoire marocaine basée sur une étude benchmark de l'expérience française dans ce domaine et d'une analyse comparative entre les deux politiques migratoires Marocaine et Française. L'objectif de cette étude est de : - Juger l'efficacité de la politique migratoire Marocaine en fonction des indicateurs spécifiques d'évaluation et d'amélioration de la performance de la politique en question; - Stimuler une réflexion stratégique pour formuler des recommandations et / ou proposer des plans d'action à adopter. Le parangonnage international est un travail qui doit se faire dans la durée et par des experts. En revanche la présente étude dans cet article n'est qu'une amorce pour effectuer un état de l'art de la politique migratoire marocaine, dont la finalité d'améliorer sa performante à travers son évaluation par des indicateurs de performance efficaces et fiables, et pour qu'il soit un point de départ pour des investigations futures.

Most Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development countries have accepted, in principle at least, the 50-year-old commitment of contributing 0.7 per cent of gross national income to supporting the development of countries in the Global South. But what if all countries made a universal development commitment, meaning a scaled contribution? We propose a new universal and scaled financial commitment to development, informed by but not necessarily identical to official development assistance. This paper: (i) sets out how a new era is emerging of fewer very poor countries and higher global ambitions-for example, to end poverty; (ii) proposes a new way to raise and govern international public funds; (iii) discusses the possible size and use of contributions, and the evolution in global governance and democracy that a new deal would entail. We conclude with a set of questions that the proposal raises.

One of the important themes in debating violence in the international political fora is 'violence against women', which is explicitly emphasized by The Convention of Istanbul. The Netherlands have ratified this convention but partially due to Dutch influence it was stated that although women do suffer more from violence, that does not mean that there are no male victims of violence and that the state and policy makers should provide for them too. As a consequence, Dutch government aims at 'gender neutrality' in their approaches to prevent and treat violence. This approach has dealt with some criticism, some wonder nowadays whether this focus on 'gender neutrality' has negative consequences for addressing the hardship that women have to deal with. In our contribution we will try to answer the previous question by looking into three examples: domestic violence, honour-related violence, and prostitution & human trafficking policy, all in the Netherlands.

This paper provides a case study of the politics and practices of family planning (FP) in the province of South Kivu in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). It is underpinned by research exploring the use (and non-use) of family planning services (FPSs) by women and men of reproductive age and young people, via 40 face-to-face one-to-one interviews and six focus-group discussions, along with five focus-group discussions with healthcare employees in various health centres and Panzi Hospital in Bukavu city. Thirty-one qualitative face-to-face interviews and meetings were conducted with policymakers and service providers from the government, churches and international agencies. Furthermore, the research explores education services for young people on sexual and reproductive health (SRH) and the actions that government and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) have taken to increase the demand for FPSs.

International audience ; In recent years some economists have begun to doubt the scientific standing of the standard Austrian theory of the origin of money. They seem to think that it is only one possible solution to the problem of accounting for money's value. Of these economists, Gary North (North 2012b) has presented the most cogent count-er-interpretation to how we should understand the theory of the origin of money as elaborated by Carl Menger and Ludwig von Mises. Unlike the rest of economic theory, the origin of money and Mises's regression theorem do not partake of the character of a scientific law deduced from the basic principles of the science, but is rather, and is presented as such in the writings of Menger and Mises, what North terms "conjectural history." In this essay we will respond to North's challenge and to the economists who agree with him.

Indigeneity, a concept and construct, is increasingly gaining currency in academia, in the political sphere, and in public debates. Indigeneity as an active political force with international support has become a resource in identity politics. This article focuses on the dynamics of how the transnational idea of indigeneity has been nationally installed and locally translated within the context of the ethnohistory of an Indigenous movement that stemmed from local–societal relations with the state. The idea of indigeneity is seen as both local and global because it is globally circulated but locally articulated as well as globally charged but locally framed. Focusing on the Chittagong Hill Tracts, in the borderlands of South and Southeast Asia and home to 11 Indigenous groups in Bangladesh, the article argues that the local translation of global indigeneity is necessary for ensuring the rights and entitlements of Indigenous Peoples. (J Southeast Asian Stud/GIGA)