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The main objective of the presented study was to examine the associations between the use of renewable energy sources in selected sectors (transport, electricity, heating, and cooling) and the prevalence of selected groups of diseases in the European Union, with an emphasis on the application of statistical methods considering the structure of data. The analyses included data on 27 countries of the European Union from 2010 to 2019 published in the Eurostat database and the Global Burden of Disease Study. Panel regression models (pooling model, fixed (within) effects model, random effects model) were primarily used in analytical procedures, in which a panel variable was represented by countries. In most cases, positive and significant associations between the use of renewable energy sources and the prevalence of diseases were confirmed. The results of panel regression models could be generally interpreted as meaning that renewable energy sources are associated with the prevalence of diseases such as cardiovascular diseases, diabetes and kidney diseases, digestive diseases, musculoskeletal disorders, neoplasms, sense organ diseases, and skin and subcutaneous diseases at a significance level (α) of 0.05 and lower. These findings could be explained by the awareness of the health problem and the response in the form of preference for renewable energy sources. Regarding statistical methods used for country data or for data with a specific structure, it is recommended to use the methods that take this structure into account. The absence of these methods could lead to misleading conclusions.

Issues relating to energy are among the most important and difficult challenges confronting the world today. Providing sufficient energy to meet the requirements of a growing world population with rising living standards will require major advances in energy supply and efficiency. Given the dynamic and unpredictable form of supply and demand for energy in a global and globalized context, creating long-term policies as well as regional interior is vital to ensure energy security. Europe is emerging from a deep financial and economic crisis and it is widely agreed that stronger European industrial competitiveness is vital as a driver for economic growth and job creation. In this context, the European Union, - as a main global actor- throughout the reform of the energy sector, wants to be on the cutting edge in the use of new technologies and the creation of a single energy market, not only inside the twenty eight member countries. Balkan countries have an important role in this process, which takes place inside the Energy Community. In these conditions, this article aims to analyse the recent transformation on European Union energy policy and provide an analysis of the commitments undertaken by Albania as a member of the Energy Community.

The results show that individual countries such as Germany, Switzerland and Liechtenstein are more advanced in terms of the regulatory system for cryptocurrencies. However, these countries are too small and have an insignificant trade volume in relation to China and the USA, after which these countries could play a relevant role on the world market. If the European states do not act as a joint entity with the EU financial authorities on the world market, then international states will have a far lead and shape regulatory measures in the future.

The 2004 reunification of Eastern and Western Europe and the subsequent economic crisis caused a surge in intra-European labour mobility and a profound shift in preceding patterns of migration in Europe. While previous decades of European integration brought very modest cross-border flows of labour, the past decade has engendered the largest European movements of labour in modern time mostly from East to West, but eventually also from South to North. In a situation of record high European unemployment, this has sparked controversy about the very notion of free movement, one of the basic foundations of the European Community, and has unleashed heated debates about the conditions, causes, and consequences of large-scale labour migration for receiving as well as sending societies. Against this background, this volume of Comparative Social Research will contribute to improve our understanding of the drivers, mechanisms, and effects of the past decade's surge in cross-border labour mobility and work related migration within Europe.

The article determines current realia and potential possibilities and perspectives of Russian economy's incorporation into the European one in the contexts of centripetal tendencies in the EU. As a result of the research, the authors have come to the conclusion on the growth of centripetal processes in the EU and stabilization of integration processes against this background as of now. The authors have made substantiated conclusion on the possibility for active incorporation of Russian economy into the European in view of personalized trade cooperation with specific members of the EU, not with the association as a whole. ; peer-reviewed

This article analyzes the occupational structure of 25 european union countries during the period 2000–2004. Shift-share analyses are used to decompose cross-country differences in occupational structure into within sector and between sectors effects. The static analysis for 2004 shows that the new member countries employ a lower share of skilled workers because their industry structure is biased towards less skill-intensive industries and because they use fewer skills within industries. The differences in the shares of (high-skilled) non-production workers are dominated by the between (industrial) effect. In contrast, the dynamic analysis of 2000–2004 showed that changes in the share of high-skilled non-production workers are mostly driven by within sector changes, which are probably related to skill-biased technological change. Similar trends in the countries' within effects support the catch-up of the new member countries' skills demand, while the structural developments that could equalize the industry mix of the new and old member countries are related to increased domestic demand and will probably take time.

The article analyses the role of the Commission, the Parliament, and the Council in the two main legislative procedures in the European Union: co-operation and co-decision (I). We use the legislative history of some 5.000 parliamentary amendments. These procedures have been the subject of a great deal of theoretical debate. According to conventional wisdom the co-decision procedure increases the powers of the European Parliament. Revisionist approaches, however, suggest that the conditional agenda-setting powers accorded to the Parliament by the co-operation procedure are more important than the veto powers ascribed by co-decision. Our analysis demonstrates not only that both claims are correct, but also why. On the aggregate there is a higher success rate of parliamentary amendments under co-decision (I) than under co-operation, just as the data published by the EP indicate. However, controlling for one of the conditions of conditional agenda setting (agreement by the Commission under co-operation), conditional agenda setting empowers the EP more than veto powers. Finally, control of Commission behaviour in both procedures indicates no difference in acceptance rates between co-operation and co-decision. Our analysis explains why all three points above are true. The answer hinges on the activity of the Commission, which was more hostile to parliamentary amendments during the 1989-94 period (more amendments were rejected during this period than during any other period under both co-operation and co-decision). In addition, the power of the Commission has declined under co-decision (because it can be and is more frequently overruled by the other two players, whether its opinion is positive or negative). (British Journal of Political Science / FUB)

The marginal involvement of the European Union (EU) in redistributive policies and its limited fiscal resources have led to a notable lack of attention by EU scholars towards the EU budget and its dynamics. Yet the nature of the budgetary data and their high usability for statistical analysis make them an excellent tool for studying and measuring policy change in the EU. In this article, I analyse an original dataset containing yearly data for the main categories of expenditure and how they have changed over the last three decades (1979–2013). Using time-series analysis, I find that the ability to form winning coalitions in the Council, the ideological positioning of the co-legislators and the inclusion of the cohesion countries have played a significant role in driving budget change.