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Abstract
The belief in quantitative indicators based on standardized data as an effective tool has become more entrenched than ever before, in both public and corporate governance, because of a drive to achieve more efficiency and accountability. The power of automated computation systems and the ubiquitous availability of big data have magnified the potential and capacities for quantification. The People's Republic of China (prc) has enthusiastically embraced these advanced technologies. The rapid digitization and automation of social governance in China, called "smart governance," entail new approaches to social and political control, driven by innovations in algorithmic systems, big data analytics, and artificial intelligence. This article seeks to reveal the ideological foundations of the prc's push for the digitization and automation of social governance. Drawing on international scholarship on Chinese Marxism and Leninism, it argues that the positivist organizational and ideological principles of Marxism-Leninism help explain why technology and automation are embraced so enthusiastically by the Chinese party-state: they provide a way to achieve the dream of rational Marxist governance. Through an empirical analysis of 120 articles from 2014 to 2021, this article illustrates that these ideas are, or may be, a vital part of shaping academic discourse around smart governance in China today. An analysis of Chinese academic discourse is an essential part of understanding the ideological foundations of Chinese Communist Party (ccp) governance and statecraft and how these commitments shape the embrace and deployment of smart technologies. The way in which scholars discuss the transformative power of smart technologies demonstrates a similar ideological understanding of social governance.

"In this 15th edition of Political Behavior of the American Electorate, noted authors Elizabeth Theiss-Morse and Michael Wagner again continue the tradition of Flanigan and Zingale, using American National Election Study data to provide a thorough analysis of the 2020 elections and of American political behavior more generally. The authors explore get-out-the-vote efforts and the reasons people voted the way they did, as well as the nature and impact of partisanship, issues, and news media coverage in 2020-all with an eye toward understanding the trends that led up to the historic results"--

The collection includes both refereed articles and review essays. The articles highlight research on the role of western economic advisors in China before the Communist Revolution (Paul Trescott), John Ryan on minimum wage legislation, a symposium on Clement Juglar, and a comparison of recent work in the history of economics and the history of science. Review essays on new publications examine a range of subjects, including: David Humes political economy, ; conceptions of economic morality in American thought; Frank Knight and the Austrians on institutions; Friedrich Engels; Austrian views on entrepreneurship; Coase and Pigou on government intervention; Hayek and conservatism; the history of the "living wage" notion; methodological consideration of economics and econometrics; and Paul Heynes essays on economic and ethics.

In this article, we classify and evaluate the accuracy of the predictions issued by members of The McLaughlin Group, a Washington-based, syndicated public affairs discussion program with a sizable following among political elites. We conclude that the influence of John McLaughlin and his colleagues must be based principally on the interests and perceptions of their audience rather than on the clarity and accuracy of their predictions, both of which are lacking. We argue, however, that this does not make the program any less important a component of political discourse in the nation's capital.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- List of tables -- Foreword -- Introduction -- 1. The transformation of political logics: beyond the 'horizontal' and the 'vertical'? -- 'Vertical' versus 'horizontal' -- Towards a differentiation of the 15M political repertoire -- The 15M political repertoire and the vertical-horizontal theoretical axis -- Activists' responses to the vertical-horizontal axis -- Towards a characterisation of 15M -- Conclusions -- Notes -- 2. The emergence of new political parties -- From street protests to taking over the institutions -- The new parties and digital media -- The impact of the new parties on party-based democracy -- Conclusions -- Notes -- 3. The appearance of monitoring as an emerging political dynamic -- Monitory democracy: political transformation in communication-saturated societies -- Three main fields of monitoring: governmental, civic and shared -- Typology of civic monitoring -- Conclusions -- Notes -- 4. Two-way street mediatisation of politics or overturn? The social media communication models of 15M and Podemos -- Social media and mainstream media in today's political communication -- Media protagonism and the mediatisation of politics -- The 15M communication model: the relationship between online political activism and the mainstream media -- Podemos's communication model: taking on the media without abandoning the networks -- Conclusions: democratic innovations and contributions from the field of political communication -- Notes -- Conclusions: the Spanish political laboratory in action -- Monitory democracy -- Post-representation -- Looking to the future -- Note -- References -- Index

L'étude par les sciences humaines des comportements liés à l'usage de psychotropes, au sens large, et plus particulièrement ici la surconsommation de boissons alcoolisées, ne peut faire l'économie d'une réflexion épistémologique sur l'interface entre sciences de l'individu et sciences du collectif. En effet, penser cet objet de recherche est d'emblée une question pluridisciplinaire qui fait autant intervenir la médecine, la psychiatrie ou la psychanalyse que la sociologie, l'ethnologie ou l'histoire.

New left-libertarian social movements invoke an ancient communitarian democratic theory against the contemporary practice of competitive elite democracy. Two explanations for this phenomenon are explored. First, in a cyclical model, challenges to representative democracy are viewed as recurring expressions of dissatisfaction with representative institutions. Second, in a structural differentiation model, the practices of left-libertarian movements trigger a pluralization of political decision modes in advanced capitalist democracies, even if such participatory innovations fall short of the direct democratic ideal expressed by movement activists. Although the cyclical model has some merit, on the whole, the structural differentiation model provides an analytically more powerful explanation of recent social movement activity.

The article concerns on the correlations between the changes in political institutions and the dynamics of economic growth. This controversial issue is a stumbling block in extensive research due to the clash of two large theories of social development in political science: democratization and modernization. The theory of democratization is based on the primacy of civic values, while the theory of modernization gives priority to the efficiency of economic development. The author defines the conceptual positions of the researchers: "democracy promotes growth", "democracy does not promote growth", "growth promotes democracy", and "growth does not promote democracy". The dominant position "democracy promotes economic growth" is driven by the values of liberal ideology and the notion of a free market. The opposing position "democracy does not contribute to economic growth" proceeds from the weak possibilities of the established liberal order to mobilize resources for solving the state development problems. The modernization position "economic growth contributes to democracy" is dictated by the change in the value attitudes of citizens as they achieve prosperity. The alternative position "economic growth is not conducive to democracy" is supported by countries with authoritarian regimes with weak potential of development. The author comes to the conclusion about the possibilities of multivariate construction of political institutions to ensure economic growth, based on the endogenous and exogenous development factors in any countries.

Housing experts and activists have long described the foundational role race has played in the creation of mass homeownership. This book insistently tracks the inverse: the role of mass homeownership in changing the definition, perception, and value of race. In The Residential is Racial Adrienne Brown reveals how mass homeownership remade the rubrics of race, from the early cases realtors made for homeownership's necessity to white survival through to the 1968 Fair Housing Act. Reading real estate archives and appraisal textbooks alongside literary works by F. Scott Fitzgerald, John Steinbeck, Lorraine Hansberry, Richard Wright, Gwendolyn Brooks, James Baldwin, Ralph Ellison, John Cheever, and Thomas Pynchon, Brown goes beyond merely identifying the discriminatory mechanisms that the real estate industry used to forestall black homeownership. Rather, she reveals that redlining and other forms of racial discrimination are perceptual modes, changing what it means to sense race and assign it value.Resituating residential discrimination as a key moment within the history of perception and aesthetics as well as of policy, demography, and democracy, we get an even more expansive picture of both its origins and its impacts. This book discovers that the racial honing of perception on the block-seeing race like a bureaucrat, an appraiser, and a homeowner-has become central to the functioning of the residential itself