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Denne artikel undersøger, hvordan politiske beslutningstagere diskursivt har positioneret Danmark i relation til Arktis, som i dag er én af regeringens højeste udenrigspolitiske prioriteringer. Analysen viser, hvordan diskursen i perioden 2006-2020 har gennemgået flere skift, der hver især vægter de eksterne ambitioner i regionen og de interne hensyn i rigsfællesskabet på forskellig vis. Fra udelukkende at fokusere på det dansk-grønlandske forhold betonede man senere i stedet det regionale udsyn. Det indebar, at Danmarks autoritet blev fremhævet, mens de to andre rigsdeles internationale agens blev nedtonet. I takt med en mere eksplicit erkendelse af, at rigsfællesskabets sammenhængskraft er forudsætningen for Danmarks status som en arktisk stat, er Færøerne og Grønlands betydning blevet mere anerkendt. Det har resulteret i stadig større enighed på tværs af det politiske spektrum om, at et mere ligeværdigt forhold er værd at stræbe efter. En udvikling, der ikke mindst er blevet tilskyndet af omverdenens stigende opmærksomhed.

Can country leaders improve citizens' ethnic outgroup views by changing ethnic representation in government? Years of pressure from the international community calling for leaders to make particularly their cabinets more ethnically representative seems to suggest that ethnic representation—conceptualized as descriptive and substantive representation and ministerial cooperation—is key to improving citizens' outgroup views. I argue that increasing ethnic representation influences majority and minority citizens differently; minority citizens' outgroup views will become more favorable, while majority citizens' views will worsen. Using a pre-registered vignette experiment with ethnic Albanians and Macedonians in North Macedonia, I show that ethnic representation does not provide the improvements in outgroup relations that many have hoped. Both groups' affect toward and perceptions of the cabinet change somewhat, but increasing ethnic representation does not improve overall outgroup attitudes. These results suggest that ethnic representation alone does not lead to more productive interethnic relationships.

AbstractExogenous shocks such as pandemics have a profound influence on how citizens think about their country. We explore how the successful handling of COVID‐19 shaped South Korean citizens' perception of their country. Empirically, we compare data from surveys conducted in August 2019 and April 2020. Using regression on matched samples, we find a significant increase in general national pride. More importantly, we find an increase in positive assessments of their country in domains directly related to the COVID‐19 response (civic awareness and international leadership) but not in domains less directly related to the pandemic. We also find that while Koreans take pride in their collective response to the crisis, their disenchantment with the political class has grown. The implication is that citizens offer a remarkably nuanced understanding of how the COVID‐19 response reflected the strengths of the Korean society, as opposed to the Korean political system.

Existing ontological security studies literature has viewed ontological insecurity as when an actor experiences fear and anxiety, as situationally subjective, and defined by the actor. Drawing from Ronald Laing's categories of anxiety, implosion, engulfment, and petrification and depersonalisation, I argue that these can be applied to actors within international relations. I demonstrate this by exploring how colonial Australia's immigration policies and identity narratives during the late nineteenth century was a response to changes in regional power and the development of ontological insecurity within the politics of colonial Australia. Focussing on how Australia's colonial governments responded to the destabilising potential of a rising China, Australia's colonial governments sought to exercise immigration control within their borders and alleviate ontological insecurity which had been caused by Chinese immigrants. The way that the Australian colonial governments did this was through the implementation of immigration control mechanisms.

With China's global rise, both its state leadership and key academics have engaged in developing a civilisational discourse for the twenty-first century partly based on ancient cosmological concepts. This article explores the meanings of and intentions behind this discourse, including its promise of a Chinese-led world order, and discusses its intended audience and international appeal. In the backdrop of theoretical debates on empires and their missions, the article claims that without a corresponding cultural appeal, China's rising economic power and geostrategic clout are insufficient conditions to realise an empire in the classical sense. Growing inconsistencies mar the country's imperial ambitions, such as those between a global civilising outreach and a toughening domestic embrace. Instead, imperial rhetoric is cautiously integrated in the party-state's restoration of a Chinese "empire within," indicating self-centredness and a lurking re-traditionalising of Chinese state power. (JCCA/GIGA)

Australian involvement in humanitarian affairs in the South Pacific is indicative of tensions that can arise between 'humanitarianism as diplomacy' and 'humanitarian diplomacy'. Australia aims to play a leading role in relation to the Pacific island countries (PICs), and its humanitarian involvement can assist in that respect. However, despite Australia's attempts to prevent or mitigate climate-related disasters, tensions have arisen because of Australia's cautious climate change policies. The main influences on Australia's involvement in humanitarian affairs in the South Pacific are political and bureaucratic factors within those parts of the Australian government concerned with relations with the PICs, and humanitarian affairs in particular; Australian interactions with the PICs themselves and other relevant international actors also play a role. The 'lessons learnt' from Australia's humanitarian involvement in the South Pacific region focus on organizational effectiveness rather than the tensions between 'humanitarian diplomacy' and 'humanitarianism as diplomacy'.

Abstract
Following atrocities against the minority Muslim Rohingya population by the Myanmar military, several states have imposed sanctions and deployed international justice strategies against the Myanmar government. In contrast, Indonesia has used an alternative 'quiet diplomacy' approach, focused on aid delivery to affected communities and cooperation with Myanmar. The paper presents one of the first empirical examinations of Indonesia's role, and considers Indonesia's approach from a realpolitik perspective to show why Indonesia has avoided R2P measures. The paper identifies three factors that shaped Indonesia's approach: Islamic humanitarianism, Indonesia's own experience of managing civil–military relations during a contested democratic transition, and its continued commitment to core asean principles. The paper also contributes to wider debates by identifying some of the limitations of R2P, especially in terms of how R2P can be sidelined by national and regional diplomatic priorities, in this case manifested in the quiet diplomacy approach.

The ongoing devastation of the Covid-19 pandemic has brought new urgency to questions surrounding the origins, management, and complex dynamics of infectious diseases. In this mini review, we use growing international concern over the pandemic potential of emerging infectious diseases as motivation for outlining a research approach to study the emotional dimensions of animal disease management. We sketch out this important analytical terrain by first locating opportunities for literature on the biosecurization of nature to intersect with the emerging field of emotional political ecology. Second, we describe three biosecurity contexts and environmental conflicts at the wildlife-livestock interface: African swine fever in wild boar, brucellosis in elk, and pneumonia in bighorn and domestic sheep. We argue that in these "contact zones," a focus on emotions can add a new layer of explanation for analyzing the manifestations, implications, and varied experiences of biosecurity.

ABSTRACTHow can political science classes best prepare undergraduate students for the field of peace and conflict studies (PACS)? We argue that well-designed experiential learning activities provide opportunities for students to embrace complexity and practice adaptability, fusing the theoretical and practical in ways that prepare them to engage in PACS. This article presents one such experiential learning approach: a conflict analysis activity. Through engaging in a messy learning process, students (1) gain an increased theoretical understanding of the complexity of conflict, (2) practice adaptability, and (3) increase their self-efficacy. We provide a step-by-step description of the Conflict Analysis Tool exercise and reflect on how well the activity enables the use of knowledge and skills relevant for PACS. Our goal is that the insights gained through our approach will be helpful to other educators—from PACS to international relations to American politics and beyond.

This article argues that arts-based methods such as drawing are particularly useful as means to explore experiential insights into how violent conflict impacts individuals and communities in specific sociocultural contexts and shapes their views of development and peace. It illustrates this through the discussion of a drawing workshop with members of violence-affected communities in Kachin state, Myanmar. Reflecting on the workshop findings and dynamics and on the positive impacts the methods' adoption had on practices of an international civilian protection NGO in Myanmar, the article concludes that, when implemented with care, arts-based methods do not only help accessing deep context-specific insights to complement outsider-expert analyses, by creating a safe space to share experiences, but they also enable new engagements among local actors and with outside organisations, which can strengthen the primacy of local actors in peacebuilding and development initiatives.

The interlinkages between peace and sustainability are embedded in several international agreements and declarations and recognized by various research studies. However, the characteristics of their bidirectional relationship remain underexamined. Here we scope the complex and multifaceted relationship between peace and sustainability based on an experts workshop held at Hiroshima University in August 2019. The workshop focused on how peace, as a process or a condition, can help or hinder sustainability and vice versa. Relevant environmental, socio-political, and economic and technological considerations highlighted at the workshop were integrated into a co-designed heuristic guide for investigating the peace-sustainability nexus in the context of global change. The proposed guide aims to assist academic and policy researchers in identifying the specific pathways through which peace and sustainability interact when addressing complex challenges. The reinforcing potential of the two will ultimately depend on the governance and management of global transformations.

The article examines the case of Japan's peacebuilding in South Sudan from 2011 to 2017 and asks how Japan's shift towards a more proactive defence posture affects the place of human security in its foreign policy agenda. Using the framework of neoclassical realism, the article argues that human security remains a critical element of Japanese foreign policy despite changes in its strategic orientation because, international predicaments notwithstanding, Japan's foreign policy decision making is still significantly constrained by domestic variables such as state–society relations, elite perceptions, elite consensus, and domestic institutional arrangements. Changes in Japan's overall foreign and security policies do not diminish the importance of human security. Despite the shift to a more assertive foreign policy, Japan still retains the essential features of its diplomacy. External variables influence policymakers' decision making, but domestic variables constrain policy choices and outcomes.

AbstractWe present a two‐region general equilibrium model in which firms exploit international wage differences by offshoring parts of the production process. Firms have to take into account that production steps follow a strict sequence and that transporting intermediate goods across borders is costly. We analyze how a change in transport costs affects offshoring patterns as well as factor prices, accounting for the general equilibrium effects of firms' decisions. As we demonstrate, a decline in transport costs is likely to have a non‐monotonic influence on relative wages and on the volume of offshoring depending on the emergence of different firm types, with domestic wages first decreasing as lower transport costs induce firms to perform large parts of the production chain abroad and then increasing as even lower transport costs provide an incentive to select the lowest‐cost location for each production step.

The examines are the different request strategies in English used by Pakistani and Chinese students according to social distance and power of interlocutors. Data comprises students from Pakistan and China enrolled in an undergraduate program at International Islamic University Islamabad, Pakistan. Blum-Kulka, House, and Kasper's (1989) taxonomy of request strategies is taken as a theoretical framework to compare the request speech act patterns of Pakistani and Chinese students. This study analyzed the request speech act in terms of head act strategies used by participants. Blum-Kulka et al. (1989) categorized the request speech act into three request strategies i.e. direct, conventionally indirect, and non-conventional indirect strategies. The study identifies similarities between Pakistani ESL learners and Chinese EFL learners in making use of mood derivable as the preferred strategies for making requests in situations of different social distance, power, and familiarity between the interlocutors.