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This empirical study investigates whether European Union (EU) integration will enable Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) to politically stabilize and fully integrate into the EU by 2030. In the first part, data from a panel of 17 Central and Eastern European countries from 2000-2019 is statistically analyzed to determine whether EU integration and its components are significant determinants of political stability, in order to interpret BiH's data in the context of those relationships. This analysis provides support to the EU theory that states can increase their political stability by implementing reforms throughout the integration process. GDP per capita, ethnic fractionalization, unemployment, and education were significant determinants of political stability in the region. In the second part, historical trends and current estimates of the variables in BiH are analyzed to inform BiH's performance in variables that have a significant relationship with political stability. It also analyzes trends in BiH's overall political stability and progress in EU integration. The findings from the analysis on data from BiH display that BiH has performed poorly in variables relevant to political stability, including the EU integration process, and is severely lagging behind other states in the region. BiH's poor performance in these variables is largely caused by BiH's government inefficiency that has resulted from its ethno-based political system. This study's results overall inform the conclusion that BiH is unlikely to politically stabilize and fully integrate into the EU by 2030 and support the recommendation by scholars that changes to EU policy on BiH are necessary.

Habermas maintains that neoliberalism precludes the building of a European demos and entails a regression towards the exclusionary but still democratic nation state. Although this article agrees with Habermas's claim regarding the regressive impact of neoliberalism, it argues that this regression is best described as moving not towards an exclusionary but still democratic national people but rather towards an illiberal, anti-democratic nation state.

Presenting the findings of a five year project studying the pace and impact of addictions in Europe, this book deconstructs the failures and promises of European governance polices for reducing the harm done by legal and illegal drugs and posits a nine point plan as a way forward to redesign addictions governance.

En el presente artículo se realiza un breve estudio de la Inspección de Educación en el marco de la Unión Europea. No cabe duda alguna sobre el hecho de que, en este espacio, conviven una pluralidad de sistemas y de políticas educativas, que explican, asimismo, la diversidad de modelos de Inspección. Así pues, nos encontramos con países en los que la Inspección es desarrollada por cuerpos funcionariales integrados en la propia Administración; y otros en los que la supervisión o inspección es compartida o realizada por agentes externos. A su vez, incluso en aquellos modelos o países en los que existe una Inspección de Educación, la diversidad de estructuras organizativas también se hace patente: modelos centralizados, aunque con estructuras territoriales diseminadas, como Francia e Italia; y modelos descentralizados, como el alemán o el británico, en los que se concede autonomía a entes territoriales con potestad en el ámbito educativo. Diversidad pues, con un elemento común, ya que la supervisión tiene un gran valor para la mejora de la calidad educativa. ; This article briefly studies the Education Inspection in the framework of the European Union. There is no doubt about the fact that, in this space, there is a plurality of systems and educational policies, which also explain the diversity of Inspectorate models. Thus, we may find countries where the Inspectorate is carried out by the civil servant corps integrated in the Administration itself; and others, in which supervision or inspection is shared or performed by external agents. In turn, even in those models or countries where there is an Education Inspectorate, the diversity of organizational structures is also evident: centralized models, although with scattered territorial structures, such as France and Italy; and decentralized models, such as the German or the British, in which autonomy is granted to local entities with authority in the field of education. Diversity, then, with a common element, since supervision is of great value for the improvement of the quality of education.

"This volume addresses developments in European space policy and its significance for European integration, using discourse theory as a framework. It seeks to address the developments in European space policy by examining several sensitive security questions linked in general with space activities, on the one hand, and the interplay between space policy and security policy in the European Union (EU) on the other. The book argues that defence and security matters should be studied for a better understanding of space projects in their historical, political, economic, legal and social context. The volume seeks to answer the following key questions: What can space policy contribute to European identity formation and the integration process? What are the interests of member states/EU institutions in space? How is space policy perceived by European institutions, and how have they been engaged in the policy process to promote activity in space? In which ways is the EU engaged in space, in terms of policy areas, e.g. foreign policy, industrial policy, security and defence policies? What is the impact of institutions on the policy-making process in European space policy? This book will be of interest to students of EU policy, space policy, discourse studies and International Relations in general"--

To date, most accounts of the UK's vote to leave the EU have focussed on explaining variation across individuals and constituencies within the UK. In this article, we attempt to answer a different question, namely 'Why was it the UK that voted to leave, rather than any other member state?'. We show that the UK has long been one of the most Eurosceptic countries in the EU, which we argue can be partly explained by Britons' comparatively weak sense of European identity. We also show that existing explanations of the UK's vote to leave cannot account for Britons' long-standing Euroscepticism: the UK scores lower than many other member states on measures of inequality/austerity, the 'losers of globalisation' and authoritarian values, and some of these measures are not even correlated with Euroscepticism across member states. In addition, we show that the positive association between national identity and Euroscepticism is stronger in the UK than in most other EU countries. Overall, we conclude that Britons' weak sense of European identity was a key contributor to the Brexit vote.

Differentiated integration (DI) was a more important issue prior to Malta's accession to the European Union in 2004. It has turned up very rarely in Parliamentary debates or its standing European and Foreign Affairs Committee, and almost never in statements by politicians or electoral manifestos. Its occasional salience has been mainly to affirm the Maltese Government's position, shared with the Opposition, on upholding solidarity and the rule of law. Once part of the EU, the rhetoric of Malta's main political parties is one that (largely) expects EU member states to 'play ball' and respect the principles of solidarity and working together, certainly in relation to particular policy fields – such as how to negotiate with UK officials and their commitment to secure Brexit – and (especially for Malta) in the face of the Mediterranean migration issue. ; This [report/publication/etc] is part of the InDivEU project which has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement number 822304. The content of this document represents only the views of the InDivEU consortium and is its sole responsibility. The European Commission does not accept any responsibility for use that may be made of the information it contains. ; peer-reviewed

In this paper, we measure the effect of changing capital income shares upon inequality of gross household income. Using EU-SILC data covering 17 EU countries from 2005 to 2011 we find that capital income shares are positively associated with the concentration of gross household income. Moreover, we show that the transmission of a shift in capital income shares into the personal distribution of income depends on the concentration of capital income in an economy. Using fixed effect models we find that changing capital income shares play an important role in the development of household income inequality. Hence, in many industrialized countries income inequality has by no means evolved independently from the observed structural shift in factor income towards a higher capital income share over the last decades.

In this paper, we measure the effect of changing capital income shares upon inequality of gross household income. Using EU-SILC data covering 17 EU countries from 2005 to 2011 we find that capital income shares are positively associated with the concentration of gross household income. Moreover, we show that the transmission of a shift in capital income shares into the personal distribution of income depends on the concentration of capital income in an economy. Using fixed effect models we find that changing capital income shares play an important role in the development of household income inequality. Hence, in many industrialized countries income inequality has by no means evolved independently from the observed structural shift in factor income towards a higher capital income share over the last decades.