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International audience ; Along with Machiavelli, Hobbes is usually regarded as the pre-eminent representative of the 'power-politics' school of classical realism. He is frequently quoted for his pessimistic depiction of the state of nature that he so famously described as a brutal and anarchic arena in which each individual seeks his own advantage to the detriment of all other individuals, in a perpetual struggle for power. As reflective of this, political realism is sometimes even named the 'Hobbesian tradition'. Yet there is reason to question whether the standard characterization of realism as a form of moral scepticism which 'resists the application of morality to war' provides an accurate description of Hobbes's political philosophy. In this essay I examine Hobbes's conception of war, in order to show how, in some fundamental respects, it deviates from this 'realism'.

The following paper examines the notion of territorial peace associated with the Peace Agreement signed in 2016 between the Colombian government and the FARC-EP. More specifically, the political discourse of the FARC-EP is analyzed through nine in-depth interviews with prominent members of the organization, who, in addition, have held or hold positions of political relevance in the formation heir to the armed group – today the political party known as Comunes. The relevance, contradictions, tensions and problems that have accompanied the difficult process of implementation of the Agreement in Colombia will be addressed. The responses given by interviewees reveal a common narrative regarding the failures of the Iván Duque government's commitment and implementation but differ on the scope and significance of the dissident groups or the role that the Comunes party should play in defending the Peace Agreement. Additionally, the territorial dimension emergesas an underlying aspect that requires special attention in all the testimonies. El siguiente artículo examina la noción de paz territorial asociada al Acuerdo de Paz firmado en 2016 entre el gobierno colombiano y las FARC-EP. Más concretamente, se analiza el discurso político de las FARC-EP a través de nueve entrevistas en profundidad a destacados miembros de la organización, quienes, además, han ocupado o ocupan cargos de relevancia política en la formación heredera del grupo armado -hoy el partido político conocido como Comunes. Se abordará la relevancia, contradicciones, tensiones y problemas que han acompañado el difícil proceso de implementación del Acuerdo en Colombia. Las respuestas dadas por los entrevistados revelan una narrativa común sobre los fracasos del compromiso y la implementación del gobierno de Iván Duque, pero difieren sobre el alcance y la importancia de los grupos disidentes o el papel que debería desempeñar el partido Comunes en la defensa del Acuerdo de Paz. Además, la dimensión territorial emerge como un aspecto subyacente que requiere especial atención en todos los testimonios.

Post‐World War II Western foreign policies are often based on the claim that the spread of democracy will result in global peace. Our understanding of how this propagation can bring about peace is limited, and we have little reason to believe that the causal arrow points only in one direction. We tackle these issues by modeling the linkages between states' regime types, interstate conflict, and the strength of the democratic community relative to the autocratic community. Analysis of our model suggests initial increases in the strength of the democratic community increase the level of conflict in a system. Beyond a threshold of democratic strength, however, conflict wanes as the democratic community waxes. Our model also suggests that the survival rate of democracies increases as the material strength of the democratic community increases and decreases as systemic conflict rises. Empirical analyses offer support for the survival propositions.

Cover Page; Title Page; Copyright Page; Contents; I. Introduction; II. Development Thinking: Still Split in Two Camps; III. SSA Relative Stagnation in Perspective; IV. Importance of Stabilization/Liberalization: Existing Evidence; V. SSA Under Peace and Market Reforms; VI. The Apparent Payoff of Stabilization/Liberalization; VII. Reverse Causality: Did Good Performance Lead to Stabilization/Liberalization?; VIII. Conclusion and Policy Implications; Footnotes.

With the resumption of the search for an Arab–Israeli settlement, analysts have been debating the factors that have frustrated it for so many years. The fact that one Arab country, namely Egypt, concluded a peace treaty with Israel almost a decade and a half ago led some to reexamine that case to see what made it possible. The available literature on Egypt's disengagement from the Arab–Israeli conflict has been voluminous, as many policy makers and analysts in Egypt, Israel, the rest of the Arab world, and the United States published their accounts of this development. Despite many ideological and political differences among these writers, they all concluded that this foreign-policy shift represented a radical alteration of Arab policies toward Israel and that with Egypt out of the war equation, the regional balance of power had changed dramatically. Many of them also emphasized the centrality of President Sadat's role in explaining Egypt's exit from the conflict with Israel. One or another of Sadat's personal characteristics has been singled out by his admirers and critics alike as being the main factor behind the Egyptian foreign-policy shift. It is not that they considered other factors such as socioeconomic variables and regional or global structures irrelevant. They simply assessed them as not decisive in terms of their relative explanatory power.

Many studies report lower academic productivity among women. But are women less likely to get their research published in the first place? The evidence for potential gender bias in publication and impact is mixed. This article examines the gender dimension of scientific publication in international relations (IR) based on submission data for Journal of Peace Research for the period 1983-2008. It examines the gender gap in submissions and explores whether the perceived merit of a research paper is affected by the gender of the authors and reviewers. It also investigates whether the gender of the first author influences citation counts. The data show a clear but declining gender gap. They do not indicate any significant gender bias in publication success or citations. Adapted from the source document.

Cover -- Half Title -- Series Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- List of figures -- Acknowledgements -- Abbreviations -- Introduction: "Peace" and "reconciliation": Challenging "received wisdom" -- 1. "Traditional" conflict management mechanisms -- 2. Re-traditionalising conflict management -- 3. Memory and testimony in the aftermath of violent conflict -- 4. Seeking "truth" in the aftermath of violent conflict -- 5. International criminal justice -- 6. Memorial sites -- Conclusion -- Index.