This study aimed to know the extent to which history teachers acquire the argumentative issues in the Jordan modern history textbook and the degree of the students' understanding of them. To achieve the goal of the study, a list of the most important argumentative issues which should be found in the textbook was prepared. An achievement test of (37) items was prepared to measure the teachers' acquisition and the students' level of understanding. The instrument of the study contains open questions to the history teachers about the most important ways to cure the argumentative issues and the causes that stop the teacher from discussing those issues. The sample of the study consists of the modern history textbook for the first secondary literary stream, 51 history teachers and 193 students. The results of the study revealed that the most argumentative issues available are overall development, vigilance, independence and national. But the least argumentative issues are regional and political opposition. The results revealed also that the history teachers and their students' understanding to the argumentative issues were below the level which is accepted educationally. Also, the argumentative issues that don't compatible with the nature of the society are political tyranny, missionary, terrorism and colonialism. The issues that compatible with the society are independence, environment health, democracy, national and global peace.
Eric Voegelin's (1971) lecture at Notre Dame University concerning the reception of his The New Science of Politics (1952) within the academic community since its publication is examined to ascertain his rationale for encouraging examinations of modernity that were not based upon his conceptualization of gnosticism. Analysis of Voegelin's lecture indicated that he believed his notion of gnosticism had impeded investigations of modernity & demonstrated his frustration that scholars had prioritized his discussion of gnosticism instead of other aspects of his work. It is demonstrated that Voegelin strongly supported the study of two intellectual traditions that theretofore had been disregarded in analyses of modernity: the rediscovery of Neoplatonic & Hermetic thought during the Renaissance & the emergence of modern epochal consciousness throughout Europe also during the Renaissance. Additional factors that prompted Voegelin to advocate the exploration of alternative accounts of modernity are also noted, eg, literary criticism's engagement with gnosticism. J. W. Parker
In: Medzinárodné otázky: časopis pre medzinárodné vzt'ahy, medzinárodné právo, diplomaciu, hospodárstvo a kultúru = International issues = Questions internationales, Band 8, Heft 4, S. 45-69
It is more likely than not that the Cyprus question will continue to keep, at least, a certain number of diplomats busy for some time to come. What is this dispute about? And what lessons can be drawn from the failure of so many previous third-party attempts at a settlement of it? Curiously enough, after the Turco-Greek war of 1920-1922, and the Treaty of Lausanne which ended it (1923) the two countries drew close together, owing to their coincident political and security interests in the Balkans. Together, they formed and led the Balkan Entente of the 1930s. During and after the Second World War this trend continued: both countries were slotted into the Western world; both struggled against communist expansionism and set up the Balkan Pact in the 1950s as part of the Containment policy. Their simultaneous admission to NATO in 1952 gave this strategic partnership a new impetus and many observers on both shores of the Aegean felt that Ankara and Athens were acting so closely together that a serious clash over some regional development was unthinkable. The Cyprus conflict, which erupted in the mid-1950's, abruptly ended this rosy diplomatic and security atmosphere of those days. The conflict in Cyprus has persisted and poisoned the relations between the two NATO partners. Many official attempts at resolution have fizzled out and the conflict has become more and more complicated. It has by now taken its toll of mediators, UN Secretaries General, their Permanent Representatives for Cyprus, US and British Cyprus Coordinators. The dispute now appears to be going through a new phase with Greeks pressing hard for EU membership despite vehement objections by the Turkish Cypriots and Turkey. At the same, the Greeks in Cyprus have been searching for sophisticated weaponry from a variety of countries. Greece is using all the leverage it has within the EU to accelerate the membership process while Ankara has threatened to set in train moves for the integration of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) with Turkey, should all its warnings against any such EU decision go unheeded. Until mid-1999 just before the earthquakes in Turkey and Greece this was the political situation between the two countries. And although the friendship displayed by both Greek and Turkish public towards each other during and after the earthquakes and the amicable earthquake diplomacy pursued by Ismail Cem and Andreas Papandreou, Ministers of Foreign Affairs of Turkey and Greece respectively, there has almost been no major movement in the direction of a resolution to the Cyprus question. (SOI : MO: 47)
Existing accounts of Foucault's archaeological methodology have not (a) contextualized the concept properly within the intellectual field of its emergence and (b) explained why it is called 'archaeology' and not simply 'history'. Foucault contributed to the field of 'history of systems of thought' in France around 1960 by broadening its scope from the study of scientific and philosophical systems into systems of 'knowledge' in a wider sense. For Foucault, the term 'archaeology' provided a response to new methodological questions arising from this initiative. Archaeological methodology had already been developed into a distinct comparative approach for the study of linguistic and cultural systems, notably by Dumézil. Foucault redevised archaeological methodology for the post-Hegelian tradition of studying 'problems' prevalent in the history of systems of thought. The article thus furnishes the groundwork for a 'sociological archaeology' or 'problem analysis' that is not particularly dependent on Foucault as a social theorist of power.
This updated third edition gathers together an international group of distinguished scholars to provide an up-to-date account of key topics and areas of research in political psychology. Focusing first on political psychology at the individual level (attitudes, values, decision-making, ideology, personality) and then moving to the collective (group identity, mass mobilization, political violence), this fully interdisciplinary volume covers models of the mass public and political elites and addresses both domestic issues and foreign policy. Now with new chapters on authoritarianism, nationalism, status hierarchies, and minority political identities, along with updated material, this is an essential reference for scholars and students interested in the intersection of the two fields.
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"The theoretical consideration of property, and associated concepts such as possession and first acquisition, have long featured in legal and political philosophy, from the voluminous right- and left-libertarian literature which takes 'self-ownership' to be central, to the foundational positioning of property rights in the political theories of figures as diverse as Grotius, Locke, Hume, Smith, Hegel and Kant. The essays collected here show the continuing vigour of scholarship in this area"--
Les sciences camérales apparaissent rétrospectivement, chez certains auteurs, comme une success story de la construction de l'Etat. Elles incarnent alors la première tentative en Europe, à la fin de l'époque moderne, de systématisation de l'étude du management public et de fondation d'une science pratique de l'administration, dont l'Allemagne serait le modèle. Elles produisent un savoir sur l'Etat, définissent les modes de fonctionnement des pouvoirs classiques comme la justice, l'armée, les finances, la police, mais proposent également de nouvelles formes d'action politique et de ce que l'on nommerait aujourd'hui des instruments d'action publique. L'ampleur de l'historiographie du caméralisme et les polémiques qu'il ne cesse de susciter indiquent toutefois une réalité plus hétéroclite que cette histoire victorieuse. Dans les travaux sur les sciences camérales, les auteurs s'interrogent sur le bien fondé du lien établi entre les textes produits (les traités), le savoir académique (les sciences camérales) et la réalité professionnelle du caméralisme (les caméralistes) : sont-ils des théoriciens de l'Etat absolutiste, les simples gardiens des cordons de la bourse des princes ou encore des ronds de cuir impuissants dans les arrières bureaux del'absolutisme ? Produisent-ils une science qui a trouvé une légitimation a posteriori dans les administrations ? Sont-ils des praticiens qui montent en généralité leur intérêt particulier ? Sont-ils des précurseurs du mercantilisme ou de la science politique ?
Les sciences camérales apparaissent rétrospectivement, chez certains auteurs, comme une success story de la construction de l'Etat. Elles incarnent alors la première tentative en Europe, à la fin de l'époque moderne, de systématisation de l'étude du management public et de fondation d'une science pratique de l'administration, dont l'Allemagne serait le modèle. Elles produisent un savoir sur l'Etat, définissent les modes de fonctionnement des pouvoirs classiques comme la justice, l'armée, les finances, la police, mais proposent également de nouvelles formes d'action politique et de ce que l'on nommerait aujourd'hui des instruments d'action publique. L'ampleur de l'historiographie du caméralisme et les polémiques qu'il ne cesse de susciter indiquent toutefois une réalité plus hétéroclite que cette histoire victorieuse. Dans les travaux sur les sciences camérales, les auteurs s'interrogent sur le bien fondé du lien établi entre les textes produits (les traités), le savoir académique (les sciences camérales) et la réalité professionnelle du caméralisme (les caméralistes) : sont-ils des théoriciens de l'Etat absolutiste, les simples gardiens des cordons de la bourse des princes ou encore des ronds de cuir impuissants dans les arrières bureaux del'absolutisme ? Produisent-ils une science qui a trouvé une légitimation a posteriori dans les administrations ? Sont-ils des praticiens qui montent en généralité leur intérêt particulier ? Sont-ils des précurseurs du mercantilisme ou de la science politique ?
Les sciences camérales apparaissent rétrospectivement, chez certains auteurs, comme une success story de la construction de l'Etat. Elles incarnent alors la première tentative en Europe, à la fin de l'époque moderne, de systématisation de l'étude du management public et de fondation d'une science pratique de l'administration, dont l'Allemagne serait le modèle. Elles produisent un savoir sur l'Etat, définissent les modes de fonctionnement des pouvoirs classiques comme la justice, l'armée, les finances, la police, mais proposent également de nouvelles formes d'action politique et de ce que l'on nommerait aujourd'hui des instruments d'action publique. L'ampleur de l'historiographie du caméralisme et les polémiques qu'il ne cesse de susciter indiquent toutefois une réalité plus hétéroclite que cette histoire victorieuse. Dans les travaux sur les sciences camérales, les auteurs s'interrogent sur le bien fondé du lien établi entre les textes produits (les traités), le savoir académique (les sciences camérales) et la réalité professionnelle du caméralisme (les caméralistes) : sont-ils des théoriciens de l'Etat absolutiste, les simples gardiens des cordons de la bourse des princes ou encore des ronds de cuir impuissants dans les arrières bureaux del'absolutisme ? Produisent-ils une science qui a trouvé une légitimation a posteriori dans les administrations ? Sont-ils des praticiens qui montent en généralité leur intérêt particulier ? Sont-ils des précurseurs du mercantilisme ou de la science politique ?
Dedication -- Preface -- Some "Why" Questions About Citizens -- Notes -- Contents -- Part I: A Model of the Political Socialization Process -- Chapter 1: Changing Perspectives on Political Socialization -- The Persistence Perspective -- The Lifetime Openness Perspective -- The Impressionable Years Perspective -- The Life Cycle Perspective -- Present Lack of a Dominant Paradigm -- Components of the Life Course Model -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Chapter 2: Historical Context and Maturation -- Historical Context -- The Great Depression and the New Deal (1929-1939) -- The Post-War Period (1945-1959) -- The Turbulent 60s and Early 70s (1960-1975) -- The Reagan Years (1980-1992) -- The Post-Reagan Years (1993-Present) -- Maturation -- Cognitive Development -- Political Sophistication -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Chapter 3: Agents of Political Socialization Through the Life Course -- Family -- The Relative Attractiveness of the Family to the Child -- Parental Agreement on Politics -- Cohesiveness of the Family -- Parental Interest in Politics -- Single-Parent Households -- Skipped-Generation Families -- Biracial Families -- Families Providing Homeschooling -- School -- Religion -- Bestowing Legitimacy on the Political System -- Providing Experience with Democratic Procedures -- Instilling Beliefs Influencing Political Participation -- Influencing Political Tolerance -- Operating as a Status Group -- Workplace and Voluntary Associations -- Media -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Part II: Social Identities and Political Socialization -- Chapter 4: Gender -- Political Participation -- Differences in Political Interest -- Differences in Knowledge -- Communication and Persuasion -- Differences in Political Views -- Family -- School -- Voluntary Associations -- Church -- Mass Media -- The Presence of Female Candidates and Officeholders
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Role playing is increasingly used in European Studies and political science more generally to foster students understanding of social science theories. Yet in most cases, role playing is only done by students. Not so in Theoretical Theatre, a teaching innovation which puts the onus on teachers to act. In our performances, teachers embody competing theories and enact dramatic scenarios in front, and in collaboration with, their student audience. This article explains how we developed Theoretical Theatre and how it relates not only to games and simulations but also Drama In Education. It reflects on our experience of performing across four modules since 2012 and our students' feedback and discusses how it can be sustained over time and transferred to other settings and disciplines.
In the center of the article is an analysis of the transformation of Ukrainians and our civil society during the first year of the full-scale Russian-Ukrainian war, conducted by the author with the aim of determining the possible limits of the format of the post-war normalization of the defects of Ukrainian democracy. Among the defects is the functioning of power, which gains the influence due to the electoral procedures of electoral democracies, but does not receive final legitimation due to the lack or even absence of public trust. The political product of the crisis of legitimacy of power in transit Ukrainian democracy is a weak state with dual institutions and an asthenic state of Ukrainian society with a dual national identity. The full-scale Russian-Ukrainian war created unique grounds (for the first time in 30 years after the renewal of Ukrainian independence) for the localization of the influence of the crisis of the legitimacy of power on the Ukrainian political system. The value evolution of Ukrainians, the active formation of national and civil identities, the unification of society, the formation of high level of trust of Ukrainians to the authorities, and the acquisition of new experiences by civil society – all these factors give hope for the formation and implementation of conventional instruments for overcoming crises and, accordingly, for the active promotion of Ukrainian democracy towards consolidation. The author notes that the qualitative construction of anti-crisis policies for the nearest future requires avoiding voluntarism when assessing the modernization potential of society, which determines the reforming potential of civil society. An objective look at modern Ukrainians forces us to recognize the fact that we have preserved a certain value dichotomy, certainly in much smaller sizes than on the eve of February 24, 2022. The axiological specificity of modern Ukrainians will also determine the post-war opportunities of civil society. Therefore, civil society will be active in the areas of supporting reforms, resuming all democratic procedures and processes after the end of hostilities, and actively formation of a new culture of discourse within the country. Advocacy of liberal democracy requires the participation of an exogenous actor.