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This book presents in-depth analyses of the wave of political protest and unrest that spread throughout Latin America between 2010 and 2015 in order to answer a question that has been challenging social scientists all over the region: why some countries have faced a divorce between their social movements and political parties while others have not? The contributions gathered in this volume intend to show that the logic of political representation in Latin America and its supposed "crisis" is not a common and constant feature for all region. Some countries like Chile, Brazil, Colombia and Mexico seem to have experienced a process of autonomization of its social movements vis-à-vis its institutional political system. However, Argentina, Bolivia, Ecuador and Uruguay have not seen such a split between civil society and the political parties. Bringing together eight case studies of the countries mentioned and a general assessment of the situation in the whole region, this book presents some interesting findings that will contribute to the discussions about the political representation crisis in Latin America, providing valuable resources for political leaders, researchers, policy makers and social activists in the region.

Promotion of effective science exchange between government scientists and managers requires thoughtful arrangement and operation of research and management functions. The U.S. Forest Service was established at the peak of the Progressive Era, when science exchange was designed to occur between researchers and resource managers who worked in distinct arms of the agency, but shared similar goals of effective forest management. In this article, the authors explore the implications of diminished agency capacity for science exchange interactions between researchers and managers in recreation management. Managers and researchers identified their current interactions, their perceptions of ideal interactions, and barriers to achieving those ideals. Reductions in agency capacity for recreation management have resulted in the erosion of interactions between managers and researchers. However, effective science exchange does occur, but requires innovative and adaptive approaches.

Republished from the Encyclopaedia britannica (chapters I-IV); Journal of the Royal united service institution and the United service magazine (chapters VI, VII, and XII); Edinburgh review (chapter VIII): and Count Sternberg's book, My experiences of the Boer war (Chapter XIII) cf. Pref. ; Memoir, by Field-Marshal Earl Roberts.--War.--Strategy.--The tactical employment of cavalry.--Tactics of the three arms combined.--Notes on Wellington.--Military criticism and modern tactics.--Lessons from the past for the present.--Battles and leaders of the civil war.--The American Civil War.--The battle of Gettysburg.--The campaign in the Wilderness of Virginia, 1864.--The training of infantry for attack.--Foreign criticism.--The British army. ; Mode of access: Internet.

AbstractThe study of the political in Myanmar over the past 200 years has been conducted in circumstances and with methods that have resulted in only partial and often unsatisfactory outcomes. Difficulties of accessing data and problems in its analysis have forced analysts to seek to understand Myanmar's politics often through informed hunches from a comparative perspective. As the field has grown, it has also become somewhat more politicised and there is a necessity to be analytically self-critical in order to avoid making 'facts' fit theories.

How should researchers respond to the fairly peculiar terrain of ethnicity presented by transitions in Africa? Should the intensified ethnic conflicts that now appear to hallmark transitions be regarded as inevitable and symptomatic of the continued salience of ethnicity in African politics? Or do transition conflicts and conflict management constitute a different or peculiar strand of the so-called ethnic problem? These are some of the questions addressed in this paper mostly from the perspective of the recent political transitions in Nigeria and South Africa. (InWent/DÜI)

The Allied leaders who produced the Treaty of Versailles and the German leaders who created the Weimar constitution relied significantly on the theoretical expertise of John Maynard Keynes and Max Weber respectively. It is argued here that integrated analytical approaches to the study of political and economic competition, which have been developed with game-theoretic methodology since the time of Keynes and Weber, can offer a valuable perspective to better understand the decisions that faced the leaders of Weimar and Versailles.

The relationship between parental social value priorities and the family communication environment is examined in three recent surveys: two in West Germany and one in the United States. Value priorities were shown to be systematically related to interpersonal communication about politics, public affairs media use, attitudes about family communication and parenthood, and norms of family communication. The evidence supports a socialization model in which parental social value priorities influence concept-oriented family communication patterns, which, in turn, have a normative impact on the political communication environment in the home.

"The leader's portrait, produced in a variety of media (statues, coins, billboards, posters, stamps), is a key instrument of propaganda in totalitarian regimes, but increasingly also dominates political communication in democratic countries as a result of the personalization and spectacularization of campaigning. Written by an international group of contributors, this volume spans the last one hundred years, covering a wide range of countries around the globe, and dealing with dictatorial regimes and democratic systems alike. As well as discussing the effigies that are produced by the powers that be for propaganda purposes, it looks at the uses of portraiture by antagonistic groups or movements as forms of derision, denunciation and demonization. This volume will be of interest to researchers in visual studies, art history, media studies, cultural studies, politics and contemporary history"--

Latin America is a politico-social laboratory. During the nineteenth century, following independence, three elements profoundly influenced life and thought: the Catholic church, the aristocracy, and the military. To these, as active political elements, were added a middle class, labor groups, and Communist and Leftist movements in the twentieth cen tury. The contrasts between "haves" and "have-nots" re main glaring. Latin-American constitutions are various and tend to be transient. Presidencies tend to evolve into dictator ships. The franchise has been widened, but electoral practices are erratic. Political factions, rather than national parties with continuity, are characteristic. Political campaigns are interesting, exciting, and dangerous. Politicians enjoy high social prestige. Revolutions in Latin America, given these conditions, are inevitable; Latin-American politics are volatile. United States policy toward Latin America is and can be catalytic in its effect. Much misunderstanding must be re placed with understanding, however, if the results are to be achieved for which everyone hopes.—Ed.

THE TRADITIONAL CONCLUSION THAT MEN & WOMEN BEHAVE DIFFERENTLY IN POLITICS IN THAT WOMEN PARTICIPATE LESS FREQUENTLY IS EXAMINED. IT FOCUSES ON A COMPARISON OF BLACK MEN & BLACK WOMEN IN NEW ORLEANS BECAUSE OF THE CONTENTION THAT UNIQUE M/F ROLES EXIST IN THE AMERICAN BLACK SUBCULTURE. NO OVERALL DIFFERENCES IN THE PARTICIPATION OF BLACK MEN & WOMEN IN ELECTORAL POLITICS OR IN PROTEST POLITICS WERE EVIDENT. A HIGHER ASSOCIATION AMONG THE 2 TYPES OF PARTICIPATION AMONG WOMEN WAS FOUND & IN BOTH TYPES OF POLITICAL BEHAVIOR LC WOMEN PARTICIPATE MORE THAN LC MEN WHEN INCOME IS USED AS A MEASURE OF CLASS; EDUCATIONAL & OCCUPATIONAL CONTROLS FOR STATUS RESULT IN MIXED FINDINGS. WOMEN WERE FOUND TO HAVE LESS POSITIVE BELIEFS ABOUT THE POLITICAL SYSTEM & THOSE BELIEFS ARE MORE HIGHLY ASSOCIATED WITH LEVELS OF BEHAVIOR FOR THE WOMEN THAN FOR THE MEN. 4 TABLES. AA.

Researchers on inequalities in representation debate about whether governments represent the preferences of the rich better than those of less affluent citizens. We argue that problems of high- and low-status citizens are treated differently already at the agenda-setting stage. If affluent and less affluent citizens have different priorities about which issues should be tackled by government, then these divergent group priorities explain why government favours high- over low-status citizens. Due to different levels of visibility, resources and social ties, governments pay more attention to what high-status citizens consider important in their legislative agenda and pay less attention to the issues of low-status citizens. We combined three types of data for our research design. First, we extracted the policy priorities (most important issues) for all status groups from Eurobarometer data between 2002 and 2016 for 10 European countries and matched this information with data on policy outcomes from the Comparative Agendas Project. We then strengthen our results using a focused comparison of three single country studies over longer time series. We show that a priority gap exists and has representational consequences. Our analysis has important implications for the understanding of the unequal representation of status groups as it sheds light on an important, yet so far unexplored, aspect of the political process. Since the misrepresentation of political agendas occurs at the very beginning of the policy-making process, the consequences are potentially even more severe than for the unequal treatment of preferences.