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peer-reviewed ; Democratization has suddenly become a fashionable theme in both the practice and the study of European integration.1 Since the Treaty on European Union (TEU) of 1991, which both raised the profile of the integration process and substantially extended the scope of powers enjoyed by the European Union (EU; the Union), the Union has become far more controversial. Received wisdom dictates that it suffers from a (generally unspecified) 'democratic deficit', which was scarcely noticed beforehand. Paradoxically, however, in the last decade several attempts to render the EU more democratic have actually been made, a good example being the significant empowerment of the European Parliament (EP). Moreover, the TEU made member-state nationals EU citizens, an unprecedented step in world history, even if EU citizenship remains rather limited. Indeed, the EU is preparing for both further enlargement and the next round of Treaty reform (due in 2004) by launching a process of 'civil dialogue' and a quasi-constitutional convention. These are supposed to provide suggestions about increasing the legitimacy and democratic credentials of the Union system.

This paper describes the phenomenon Brexit or Britain Exit on the future of EU regionalism and its impact on Indonesia. This paper will explain in detail the reason for the emergence of a number of policies Brexit. Brexit event caused much speculation related to Brexit in the European Union. The policy is considered full controversial, some experts say that Brexit in the European Union (EU) showed the independence of Britain as an independent state. Other hand, that Britain is the "ancestor" of the Europeans was struck with the release of the policy, meaning European history can not be separated from the history of Britain. In fact the above reasons that Britain came out associated with independence as an independent state related to EU policies that are too large, as a result of the policy model is very holistic policy while Britain desire is wholistic policy, especially in the economic, political, social and cultural. In addition, the geopolitical location of the EU headquarters in Brussels who also became the dominant actor in a union policy that demands as EU countries have been involved in the formulation of development policy, including controversial is related to the ration immigrants. Other reason is the prestige associated with the currency. Although long since Britain does not fully adopt the EU rules but there is the possibility in the EU currency union can only occur with the assumption that the creation of functional perfect integration.

Half Title -- Endorsement -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- Preface -- Part One The Impact of Brexit -- 1 The Brexit Revolution -- 2 Brexit and Trump: Towards a New World Disorder? -- 3 Brexit: A Never-Ending Saga -- 4 Nationalist Identitarianism -- 5 Closing Frontiers -- 6 Theresa May: How Much Brexit Does She Really Want? -- 7 Europe Reacts -- Part Two Why Brexit Happened -- 8 The Establishment Was Warned Brexit Would Happen but Buried Its Head in the Sand -- 9 The Brexit Generation -- 10 The Leavers -- 11 The Campaign -- 12 Labour Fails to Make an Impact Before, During and After -- 13 The BBC's Disdain for Europe Won It for Brexit -- Part Three Brexit in the Channel: Britain Cut Off -- 14 Business Hates Brexit but Stays Silent -- 15 Fixing an Exit: Trade -- 16 Europeans Chez Nous and Brit Expats in Europe -- 17 Divorce and a New Partnership -- 18 Brexit Spells Danger For Ireland and Concern in Scotland -- Part Four why Brexit will Change Europe -- 19 How Europe Can Survive Brexit -- 20 What Is to Be Done? -- 21 Why the Euro Will Survive -- 22 New Politics Are Needed in Europe -- 23 The EU after 2019 Must Be Different or It Will Die -- Afterword -- 24 How the UK Stays in Europe

A growing number of recent empirical studies such as the four contributions discussed here examine the politicization of the European Union, Europe, European integration or European governance. Two general research questions mark this emerging research field. A first one is how to theorize and conceptualize the politicization of the European Union (EU) and the reasons behind it. Does politicization have to do with a decline in EU support or Euroscepticism? Does it involve an increased salience of EU affairs within national and transnational public spheres? What are politicization's repercussions on EU institutions? And how are political parties involved? A second question is whether or not politicization is beneficial for the European integration project. Does it enhance populist, xenophobic and reactionary responses? Or does it, on the contrary, bring about a 'normalization' of EU decision making in the national arenas? The studies reviewed here, authored mostly by German scholars, link empirical and theoretical perspectives on politicization. They show a number of similarities in their approach to operationalising politicization and analysing it empirically. By politicization the authors refer to controversies driven by public debate, political parties and elections. The studies leave out the third research dimension that is usually mentioned in the politicization debate, the role of EU institutions (cf. de Wilde 2011). They argue that, in order to analyse politicization, researchers need to study the salience of issues, the polarization of opinions and the expansion of actors and audiences involved in debating or shaping European integration. By salience the authors understand the importance attributed to the EU and European integration, indicated by the number of newspaper articles dealing with European governance, the awareness of citizens of the EU, and the amount of public statements. Polarization refers to extreme positions, either in favour or against different aspects of European governance. Actor and audience expansion refers to the growing number of citizens and collective actors who invest time and money to follow and engage with EU governance. The setting of these processes include parliaments, public spheres and public opinion. ; peerReviewed

A series of crisis and emergency interest rate cuts has brought global interest rates towards zero and government debt to historical records. The paper discusses the exit options from unconventional monetary policies and unsustainable government debt. First, the paper sheds light on the probability of a coordinated monetary policy exit between the US and the euro area. Second, it discusses the options for a coordination of the supranational monetary policy with national fiscal policies in the European Monetary Union. Third, it analyses the fiscal activities of the European Central Bank in the context of sterilized outright government bond purchases. The paper concludes that - due to the complexity of the coordination task - the coordination of the non-exit is more likely than the coordination of the exit.