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Films from or about Palestine are frequently programmed at international film festivals. They are sometimes released in cinemas and quite often presented in special screenings at various institutions all over the Western World. Due to the scarcity of screens and the boycott of Israel, they are seen to a lesser extend in Arab countries. Compared to screenings of other Arab films or the presentation of movies from other former colonies and mandatory territories, Western audiences often react highly emotional to the images from Palestine. In debates questions for a better understanding of the films' subject or context are barely ever asked. Rather the foreign spectators seem to have a sense of belonging and to claim the right for co-determination. Where do these emotional ties originate from? In recent years a large number of films shot in Palestine during the late Ottoman period and the British mandate were made accesssible online, mainly by the Steven Spielberg Film Archive in Jerusalem and the British War Museum in London. Libraries like the Library of Congress in Washington digitized parts of their photographic collections. Based on them as well as on the films I work with as distributor and programmer for Arab film series, in this article I look at images on and from Palestine and ask for what purpose, in which context and by whom they were made and distributed.

Intro -- Table of Contents -- Preface -- Introduction -- Chapter 1. Zeno -- 1.1 The Achilles -- 1.2 The Arrow -- 1.3 The Dichotomy -- 1.4 Aristotle's Solution -- 1.5 Plato's Why -- 1.6 The Indirect Why -- Further Reading -- Chapter 2. Socrates -- 2.1 Self-Criticism -- 2.2 The Criticism of Others -- 2.3 Paradoxes -- 2.4 Definitions -- 2.5 Self-Consistency -- 2.6 Innateness -- 2.7 Immortality -- 2.8 Utopia or Dystopia -- 2.9 God -- Further Reading -- Chapter 3. Kant -- 3.1 The Antinomies -- 3.2 Regulative Reasoning -- 3.3. Autonomy and Heteronomy -- 3.4 The Paralogisms -- 3.5 Kant's Plato -- Further Reading -- Chapter 4. Marx -- 4.1 The Humanistic Dialectic -- 4.2 The Materialistic Dialectic -- 4.3 The "Marxists" -- Further Reading -- Appendix A. Popper -- Appendix B. The Frankfurt School -- Bibliography -- Names Index -- page32 -- page105 -- 08 -- a14.

Im Fokus des Beitrags steht eine ethnografische Analyse von plattformvermittelter Kurierarbeit. Es werden teilnehmende Beobachtung, beobachtende Teilnahme und digitale Ethnografie verbunden und auf diesem Weg differenziertere Erkenntnisse über diese Formen der digitalen Arbeitskulturen gewonnen. Wider der meist angeführten Heteronomie plattformvermittelter Arbeitsprozesse zeigen sich auf diesem Weg sowohl mikropolitische Handlungsspielräume der Arbeitenden als auch Formen der algorithmischen Kontrolle, die in erster Linie auf eine intendierten Intransparenz der technischen Artefakte beruhen. ; The article focuses on an ethnographic analysis of platform-mediated courier work. Participant-observation and digital ethnography are combined in order to gain a more varied insight into these forms of digital work cultures. Contrary to the often stated heteronomy of platform-mediated labour processes, this approach reveals both micro-political agency on the part of the workers, and forms of algorithmic control, which are primarily based on an intentional intransparency of the technological artefacts. ; Peer Reviewed

This article discusses the use of "paradox" and "ambivalence" as key terms of social theory as suggested by modernization theories instead of the dialectical term "contradiction". It is shown that the underlying assumption of these concepts – the "paradoxical force to freedom" – is based on questionable and not thought-out premises. In contrast, the use of Hegel's dialectical idea of freedom and Marx's Theory of Productive Forces offers a perspective in which "paradoxes" stated by the modernization theories can be conceptualised and in which the underlying changes can be identified as a momentum of a Dialectic of Liberation. The historical basis of the "Paradoxes of Individualization" are changes in the relation of autonomy and heteronomy related to the radical change in the organisation of work.

Abstract  The development of the New Zealand veterinary club system in the mid‐twentieth century departs from more conventional views of what constitutes professionalisation. It is studied here by examining the cautious contestation between farmers and veterinarians in expanding and controlling the provision of rural veterinary services. In describing the growth and consolidation of the club movement the concepts of state mediation and occupational heteronomy provide the theoretical context. A managed co‐operative rivalry was articulated in the structures and rhetorics of the farming community and veterinary profession, both groups gaining benefit from the club system. As control mechanisms changed, these structures and occupational discourses adapted in resistance or accommodation to the changing influences over the supply and consumption of veterinary care.

Despite his own observations that autonomy is never complete, never once-and-for-all — in short, that autonomy is always relatively more-or-less; or rather, human subjects, institutions and societies can only ever be more-or-less autonomous, and thus more-or-less heteronomous — Castoriadis nevertheless polarizes autonomy and heteronomy. From the polarized perspective, then, he maintains that religion is intrinsically heteronomous, and thus intrinsically antithetical to the project of autonomy. By exploring Taylor's more nuanced understanding of the varieties of religious experience, I argue in this article that there must be room for religious belief within an autonomous society, and that religiosity per se is not incompatible with the project of creating an autonomous society.

à consulter ici : http://www.cairn.info/revue-sociologie-2014-1-page-31.htm ; International audience ; Since the early 1980s, the French public sphere has been marked by the construction of a "Muslim problem", which has become a social evidence among the elite. This article analyzes the construction of this evidence through a sociology of the High Council for Integration (HCI), whose members belong to multiple elite fractions (politicians, academics, high civil servants, intellectuals, journalists, activists, etc.) and which constitutes a "neutral place" that allowed for the universalization of the "Muslim problem". We assume a generalized heteronomy that promotes the action of multi‑positioned agents reaching to transform and circulate the idea of a "Muslim problem" in several social spaces. By analyzing the stages of problematisation of Islam by the HCI between 1989 and 2012, we show that this heteronomy involved a redefinition of the "Muslim problem" through media terms and that the work of mobilization against the "Muslim problem" provoked a transformation of the secular standard (emergence of a "field of secularism") and institution (from "Committee of Wise Men" to "government think tank"). ; Depuis le début des années 1980, l'espace public français est marqué par la construction d'un " problème musulman ", qui est devenu une véritable évidence sociale parmi les " élites ". Cet article analyse la construction de cette évidence en faisant la sociologie du Haut Conseil à l'intégration (HCI), dont les membres appartiennent aux multiples fractions des " élites " (politiques, universitaires, hauts fonctionnaires, intellectuels, journalistes, militants, etc.) et qui constitue un " lieu neutre " ayant permis l'universalisation du " problème musulman ". Nous faisons l'hypothèse d'une hétéronomie généralisée, qui favorise l'action d'agents multipositionnés parvenant à transformer et à faire circuler l'idée d'un " problème musulman " dans plusieurs espaces sociaux. En analysant les étapes des problématisations de ...

à consulter ici : http://www.cairn.info/revue-sociologie-2014-1-page-31.htm ; International audience ; Since the early 1980s, the French public sphere has been marked by the construction of a "Muslim problem", which has become a social evidence among the elite. This article analyzes the construction of this evidence through a sociology of the High Council for Integration (HCI), whose members belong to multiple elite fractions (politicians, academics, high civil servants, intellectuals, journalists, activists, etc.) and which constitutes a "neutral place" that allowed for the universalization of the "Muslim problem". We assume a generalized heteronomy that promotes the action of multi‑positioned agents reaching to transform and circulate the idea of a "Muslim problem" in several social spaces. By analyzing the stages of problematisation of Islam by the HCI between 1989 and 2012, we show that this heteronomy involved a redefinition of the "Muslim problem" through media terms and that the work of mobilization against the "Muslim problem" provoked a transformation of the secular standard (emergence of a "field of secularism") and institution (from "Committee of Wise Men" to "government think tank"). ; Depuis le début des années 1980, l'espace public français est marqué par la construction d'un " problème musulman ", qui est devenu une véritable évidence sociale parmi les " élites ". Cet article analyse la construction de cette évidence en faisant la sociologie du Haut Conseil à l'intégration (HCI), dont les membres appartiennent aux multiples fractions des " élites " (politiques, universitaires, hauts fonctionnaires, intellectuels, journalistes, militants, etc.) et qui constitue un " lieu neutre " ayant permis l'universalisation du " problème musulman ". Nous faisons l'hypothèse d'une hétéronomie généralisée, qui favorise l'action d'agents multipositionnés parvenant à transformer et à faire circuler l'idée d'un " problème musulman " dans plusieurs espaces sociaux. En analysant les étapes des problématisations de ...

El objetivo de este trabajo analizar las prácticas de un partido sub-nacional y de oposición en una coyuntura electoral: el Partido Socialista de la Provincia de Buenos Aires (PSBA) de caras a las elecciones legislativas de 2013. Este artículo se propone hacer un doble juego entre supuestos teóricos y evidencia empírica. En ese sentido, intentaremos definir los problemas que se desprenden de tomar al partido político como unidad de análisis: la heteronomía normativa, económica y funcional, y la compleja articulación de intereses. Ofreceremos un contrapunto empírico para confrontar dichas discusiones y analizar la combinación entre prácticas informales e instituciones formales en la toma de decisiones, conformación de coaliciones y confección de listas electorales. Nuestra hipótesis es que el PSBA muestra un despliegue de prácticas informales muchas veces explicado por condicionantes tales como la heteronomía y por la dificultad de articular eficientemente los intereses divergentes en su seno, las decisiones políticas son fruto de la compleja interacción de todas esas variables. ; The goal of this paper is to analyse the practices of a local party in the electoral period: the Buenos Aires Province Socialist Party (PSBA) Racing the legislative elections of 2013.This paper looks forward to analyse both the theoretical assumptions and the empirical evidence. We will try to define the problems involving using the political party as a unit of analysis. The norms, economic and functional heteronomy, and the complex interest articulation. We will expose an empirical counterpoint to confront those arguments and to analyse the combination between informal practices and formal institutions on the decision-making process, coalition making and the creation of electoral lists. The hypothesis is that the PSBA shows a display of informal practices which the most part are explained by conditions as heteronomy and the high dificulty of articulating efficiently the divergent interests inside of itself. The political decisions are the result of complex interplay of all those variables.

Rooted in philosophy of education, the overall purpose of this dissertation is to renegotiate the relationship between education, religion, and democracy by placing the religious subject at the centre of this renegotiation. While education is the main focus, the study draws its energy from the fact that tensions around religious beliefs and practices seem to touch upon the very heart of liberal democracy. The study reads the tensions religious pluralism seems to be causing in contemporary education through a post-structural approach to difference and subjectivity. The purpose is accomplished in three movements. The first aims to show why the renegotiation is needed by examining how the relationship between education, democracy, and religion is currently being addressed in cosmopolitan education and deliberative education. The second movement introduces a model of democracy, radical democracy, that sees the process of defining the subject as a political process. It is argued that this model offers possibilities for seeing religion and the religious subject as part of the struggle for democracy. The third movement aims to develop how the relationship between education, democracy, and religion might change if we bring them together in a conversation whose conditions are not 'owned' by any one of them. To create this conversation, Hannah Arendt, Jacques Derrida, Søren Kierkegaard, and Emmanuel Levinas are brought together around three themes – love, freedom, and dialogue – referred to as 'windows.' The windows offer three examples in which religious subjectivity is made manifest but they also create a shift in perspective that invites other ways of seeing the tensions between religion and democracy. The aim of the study is to discuss how education might change when religion and democracy become questions for it through the perspectives offered in the windows and what this implies for the particular religious subject.

Traditional theories of sovereignty. Order and orientation: primitive usurpation (Jean Bodin) -- Binding and blinding: the rhetorics of obligation (Thomas Hobbes) -- Divide and conquer: autonomy as heteronomy (Jean-Jacques Rousseau) -- Internalize and internationalize: subordinate sovereignty (Immanuel Kant) -- Interim conclusion: ironies of the political -- Critical theories of sovereignty. The critique of law-positing violence (Karl Marx and Hannah Arendt) -- The critique of law-preserving violence (Walter Benjamin and Michel Foucault) -- The critique of law-withholding violence (Giorgio Agamben) -- The critique of law-interpreting violence (Robert Cover and Jacques Derrida) -- The critique of law-splitting violence (Feminist critique of sovereignty) -- Critical theory without sovereignty. Law without coercion (Hermann Cohen) -- Commandment without the state (Franz Rosenzweig) -- Participation and dissidence: consequences of a critical theory of/without sovereignty

Dieser Beitrag ist mit Zustimmung des Rechteinhabers aufgrund einer (DFG geförderten) Allianz- bzw. Nationallizenz frei zugänglich. ; This publication is with permission of the rights owner freely accessible due to an Alliance licence and a national licence (funded by the DFG, German Research Foundation) respectively. ; In his book entitled "The Down-Deep Delight of Democracy", Purcell is first looking at the discourses of pioneer thinkers, Aristotle, Plato, Hobbes, Lefebvre, Deleuze and Guattari, Ranciere, Laclau and Mouffe. While at the very beginning, as a reader, you might come up with the question, 'why do I need such a summary and what will this study be actually be about', Purcell answers soon enough in the third page, 'What we need in our time is to move politically from oligarchy to democracy, from positivity to activity and from heteronomy to autonomy'.

"This article discusses the use of 'paradox' and 'ambivalence' as key terms of social theory as suggested by modernization theories instead of the dialectical term 'contradiction'. It is shown that the underlying assumption of these concepts - the 'paradoxical force to freedom' - is based on questionable and not thought-out premises. In contrast, the use of Hegel's dialectical idea of freedom and Marx's Theory of Productive Forces offers a perspective in which 'paradoxes' stated by the modernization theories can be conceptualised and in which the underlying changes can be identified as a momentum of a Dialectic of Liberation. The historical basis of the 'Paradoxes of Individualization' are changes in the relation of autonomy and heteronomy related to the radical change in the organisation of work." (author's abstract)

The social genesis of the subject.
Fetishized forms of individuality in modern sociality The article endeavours to point out that the subject is the fetishized form of individuality within the scope of capitalist social relations. To be more specific, the article tries to register that individuality is the result of all kinds of fetishism composing capitalist sociality. The successive examination of the latter forms a sort of social genealogy for the subject-form. At the same time, this examination underscores the multiple contradictions of this form like that one between autonomy and heteronomy which is an essential one. Eventually, individuality beyond its subject-form seems to be an irreducible residue of the reification process, the starting point from which one could view the subversion of this process.